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a political comeback for
the ages. How did he do it

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and what does it mean for
November? This is inside

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Wisconsin politics.

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I'm Shawn Johnson here with my
colleague Zac Schultz and

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Rich Kremer in Eau Claire.
Hey, guys.

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>> Hello.
>> So let's go back just

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one month here. David
Crowley was not a candidate

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for governor. He had ended
his campaign, told us that

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it was because he knew he
was not going to be the

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nominee.
Tuesday he received

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315,000 votes. Around 40%
of the Democratic voting

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electorate. Zac, I want to
hear how he did this. How

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did he pull off this one
month comeback?

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>> Well, I think most
importantly is he didn't do

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it alone. He did this with
all of the team players.

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And I know he doesn't like
the idea of being the

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establishment, but the
Democratic establishment is

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what pushed him over the
line and pulled him all the

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way to this nomination. He
certainly worked for it.

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But Tony Evers coming back
with his endorsement, and

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we talked before on this
podcast about how

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endorsements aren't
everything. But then he

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followed up by doing the
work with him. Tony Evers

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campaigning, bringing the
media attention to every

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one of David Crowley stops
along the way was critical

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because it got him on more
television sets, more

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newscasts, got people aware
that there were contrasts

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in this race, that it
wasn't a runaway, and that

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if Crowley had a chance,
voters needed to be

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thinking about it. I can't
tell you how many people I

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ran into in just the last
week who said they had not

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made up their minds. They
truly were still undecided

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going into the final few
days, where they had a

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chance to to decide this
election. And it's clear a

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lot of them went to David
Crowley.

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>> Rich, what's your take
on this dramatic comeback

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here by Crowley?
>> Well, it was remarkable.

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It was not expected. I mean,
I was I was fully on board

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with these polls that we
were seeing showing

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Francesca Hong way ahead.
But I do remember, you know,

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what Zac just mentioned
reminded me of talking with

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Charles Franklin, and he
essentially said, well,

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there are a lot of
undecided people out there.

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But, you know, with hung at
the, you know, 20, 30

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points ahead that we'd seen
in some polls, it would

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take essentially every
undecided person, you know,

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rallying behind one
candidate when he told me

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that it wasn't, you know,
we still had other

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candidates like Barnes in
the race. So it does appear

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that the end of undecided
voters did make a decision

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and went out. So it was it
was just something else.

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And being at a Republican
event on Tuesday night was

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interesting because of the
reactions that I saw from

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people.
polls just a little bit

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more, because I can imagine
somebody sitting at home

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and thinking, hey, you know,
the news presented this to

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me as Francesca Hong
victory, you know, weeks

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ago essentially, that there
were these repeated polls

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that showed her leading and
that gave the clear

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impression that, you know,
she was going to win this

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thing. Zac. I mean, what
would you say to someone

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with with those qualms
about the information they

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were receiving?
>> They are right to have

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qualms about polling.
Everyone should always take

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polling with a grain of
salt. Even the pollsters

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say that. But the thing
that most people I think

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get wrong about what polls
are is even Charles

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Franklin will say it. They
are a snapshot of that

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moment. So the mistake I
think some people make is

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they think polling is like
the the score of a game in

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the third quarter. They say,
oh, well, hangs up 21

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points. It's like the
Packers being up 21 points.

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They should have this in
the bag. If they lose it's

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a complete colossal failure.
But you have to think of

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those polls that came out a
few weeks ago as more of

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like a preseason game. They
were a snapshot of where

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the race looked at that
time. The real game was on

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election night, and at that
point, it was a toss up

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because so many more people
had been changing their

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minds and moving to Crowley,
and the polls weren't

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updated to be able to
reflect that. So if you

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think of the polls as a
snapshot and not reality

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and not a score on the
board, they are a little

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better guide Pfaff to what
the situation may be, and I

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think everyone should note
Francesca Hong polling said

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she was going to get 40%,
she got 40%. And that was,

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you know, considering that
primary polling has an even

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larger margin of error, she
the polls really got her

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support correct. And they
did reflect the amount of

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undecideds. It is rare to
see all the undecideds go

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to the second place
candidate, but I think that

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goes more to what we were
just talking about of the

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establishment telling
everyone this has to happen

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in the context of what had
happened in the Michigan

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Senate race and all these
national figureheads coming

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to Wisconsin. It really got
a lot of people thinking,

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all right, this is not just
about who I like the most

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or who's leading. This is
about electability.

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>> Yeah. I think the point
you made, there is

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something I want to impress
upon myself and all

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reporters for future
elections that the

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undecided number is pretty
significant. I think, even

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looking back and we're
going to talk about today,

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but in 2016, there was a
lot of talk about where the

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polls got it wrong. I think
we didn't talk about the

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undecided voters or the
people who wouldn't commit

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in the presidential race
that year. That's another

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one that sticks out in our
mind. And this just

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underscores that a
candidate can win all those,

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as David Crowley did. But
for him to do that, Rich,

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you just do not see that
level of surge at the end

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by one candidate. How big
do you think was Governor

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Tony Evers in this instance?
>> Well, obviously it was a

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big deal, which is
interesting because looking

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back to a poll that we had
before the primary, you

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know, the Marquette
University Law School asked

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people, how much does
Governor Evers endorsement

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of David Crowley impact
your decision? And majority

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said it didn't, but clearly
it did. But what also might

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have impacted and probably
did impact those undecided

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voters decision to get
behind Crowley was a big

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surge of campaign TV
advertising. So ad impact,

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which is a great service,
and they put out a tweet

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and it showed, you know, a
line graph of all the

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different candidates and
what they were spending on

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ads right up to the
election. And there's just

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one blue line that that
goes straight up like Mount

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Everest and then crashes
back down. Well, that is

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David Crowley. So it looked
like something maybe

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upwards of $1 million in
that last those final days.

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And I was talking with a
friend of the podcast,

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Anthony Chergosky, today,
and he said, TV, ad TV

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advertising does matter. It
still matters because there

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were discussions about
whether or not, you know,

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Hong's success in the polls
without spending any money

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on TV ads. I was seeing
people saying, well, maybe

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this is the new way. Maybe
the old model is dead.

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Chergosky doesn't see it
that way. And he said, that

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ad impact graph proves it.
>> And I think that those

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ads come at a time, or they
came at a time when all

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these people who were not
paying attention to this

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race started paying
attention. They came at the

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right time for David
Crowley, essentially.

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>> So, Shawn, I want to get
your feedback here. So

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we've talked on this
podcast about Francesca

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Hong Thanksgiving tweets
and some of the things that

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were coming up out of her
past. Give me your

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impression of Crowley's
ascent with everyone

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rallying behind him,
including the money, and

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then the way Francesca Hong
handled the amount of

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national attention she was
getting, questions about

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her past that really hadn't
been pushed on her early in

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the campaign, and certainly
not by the other campaigns,

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as we saw a very friendly
only debate. So how much of

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an impact do you think that
played with those undecided

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voters in the last week or
two?

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national window for our
race was just so brief.

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There were national media
was paying attention to

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Michigan before us, and
then all of a sudden we

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were the next big thing. I
think it's fair to argue

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about whether or not people
should focus on a tweet

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from 2020, but they did. I
was visiting my dad the

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weekend before the election.
He lives in Illinois. He

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watches all the Sunday
shows religiously, and

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every one of them talked
about that Thanksgiving

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tweet. My dad doesn't know
who Francesca Hong is or

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David Crowley or much about
the governor's race in

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Wisconsin, but he got an
earful about that tweet

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that weekend. And if he'd
been watching those shows

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in Wisconsin, he would have
been seeing ads in between

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saying to vote for David
Crowley. So that stuff

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matters and the timing
matters. And she did have

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an answer about that tweet
that came later that kind

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of shrugged it off and said,
look, I'll be I'll be frank.

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I'm a curmudgeon when it
comes to the holidays. But

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but I love Thanksgiving.
It's not what she said at

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first. At first she kind of
stood by it. And, you know,

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I know this stuff is is
sort of dumb, arguably, but

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it's how elections are won
and lost. And so in a race

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that was won in this case
by David Crowley by 4000

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votes, a little less stuff
like that can matter. Rich.

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>> If I could chime in,
I've seen some pundits

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online talking about, well,
Hong's campaign collapsed

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at the very final moments
because of the way she

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handled those media
interviews at the national

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level. I want to ask both
of you, Shawn and Zac, did

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you see her campaign, you
know, at the very final

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stages as a collapse or an
implosion?

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>> I think it's harder to
say, because she did hit

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the polling mark that she
was at. If she came in

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significant below,
significantly below what

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people were talking that
she would receive, then you

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could wonder, did some of
those soft Hong supporters

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disappear and leave her at
the end? But we didn't see

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that she hit the marks that
all the polling said she

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had along the way. The
difference is the people

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that hadn't made up their
minds chose elsewhere. I

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think those were about
electability concerns. I

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think there are legitimate
questions about how she

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answered those questions
when the national spotlight

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was on her, and whether the
people in Wisconsin that

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had been paying attention
were starting to think more

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about electability than
about policy. But I don't

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know if collapse is the
right word when she's still

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got 40% of the vote or
thereabouts. And that's a

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really strong showing from
any candidate, especially

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someone from her background
who doesn't have a long

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track record of politics in
Wisconsin and hasn't spent

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a long time developing
those relations around the

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state. So she had a very
impressive showing from

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that context.
>> And I think there are

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just choices in the way
that she ran her race in

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the closing days. I mean,
not going on television was

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a choice. I know TV is not
free, and she didn't have a

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ton of money. And the money
really flowed to David

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Crowley there at the end.
So it's not like she could

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just snap her fingers and
run TV ads. But she did run

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a campaign in different
ways. And, you know, when

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you're trying to reach
these kind of casual

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primary voters, maybe older
voters in the closing days,

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she didn't have a strategy
for that or the resources

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for that in the way that
Crowley did. It's also a

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choice. I know it's her
community and she felt

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passionate about it, but it
is a choice to go to the

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site of a shooting and call
it an execution over a

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bullhorn, as she did in the
closing days of the race.

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That gets attention. And
she said in a debate, she

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wouldn't do that as
governor. She did it as a

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candidate for governor,
though. So those are

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choices. I think another
debatable thing in this

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campaign is the role that
these Republican ads

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attacking Hong played.
These were run backed by

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the Republican Governors
Association and the going

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theory among Democrats,
Democrats who didn't want

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Hong to be the nominee was
that these were there to

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prop her up, that they were
going to run these ads in

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these Milwaukee and Madison
media markets where all

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these Democratic voters are
and say she's too liberal

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for Wisconsin, and that
Democratic voters would see

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that and say, liberal.
That's my that's my choice.

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Zac, would you say that's
the effect that it had, or

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did they backfire on
Republicans?

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>> I think, well,
Republicans saw those ads

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as a twofer. One, they did
boost her with liberals by

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letting by giving her more
name recognition than she

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would have otherwise had.
And two, even in the

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Madison and Milwaukee
television viewing areas,

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there are a lot of
Republican voters out there.

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So it was working towards
the election. That's still

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to come. If she was the
nominee, it was weakening

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her and tarnishing her name,
attaching her to these

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issues with Republicans
that would vote, getting

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them aware of who she was.
So they definitely saw that

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as a great double by doing
two things at once. It

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backfired in the sense that
it really did alarm a lot

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of Democrats, and it made
it easier for Crowley to

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say, this is who
Republicans want to face,

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and we should talk more
about why and the

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vulnerabilities that lie
within their boosting his

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credibility. When it came
to electability.

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>> It was kind of his
opening. I mean, it let him

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attack her without really
attacking her because

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Democrats had been hands
off at that point. And

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David Crowley is going to
want her voters in November,

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so he doesn't want to
attack her too aggressively

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socialists have no place in
our party. Of course, he's

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not going to say that. He's
going to want those

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Francesca Hong supporters
were definitely the opening

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for him. Rich, I know a lot
of political observers

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nationally were looking to
Wisconsin. As for a lesson

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in terms of whether
democratic socialism that

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has played well in other
states can play in a

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Midwest swing state, what
lesson can they take away

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from our race?
>> Oh boy, that's such a

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big question. I feel a
little unqualified in

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answering, but I you know,
the obvious takeaway is it

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didn't it didn't work this
time. But all the caveats

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being the coordinated
effort by establishment

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Democrats, moderate
Democrats to make it make

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sure that it doesn't happen.
So I would say at face

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value, yeah, I guess it
didn't work out. And it

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came pretty close in in the
effort to stop the far left,

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you know, progressive
candidate in the Senate

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race in Michigan, the
closeness of that, plus

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this maybe it changed the
conversation.

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>> And I guess the
counterpoint to that would

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be if if she picks up 5000
more votes, then, you know,

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we're we're having a
different discussion here

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today. What does this mean
for November? I mean, I

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think that Republicans were
starting to expect it was

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going to be Tom Tiffany
versus Francesca Hong. What

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does it mean that it is Tom
Tiffany versus David

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00:14:31,805 --> 00:14:34,341
Crowley you were at the
Tiffany campaign

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headquarters on election
night. Rich, what's your

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00:14:37,477 --> 00:14:40,614
impression?
>> Oh, man. It was this is

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what I was alluding to in
the beginning. It was

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really interesting. So the
spirits were high the whole

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night, because there was no
doubt that Tiffany was

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going to be the nominee.
And the other thing was,

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before the polls closed, I
talked to a few people that

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were there and they said,
well, hang. Being the

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nominee obviously makes it
easier for Tiffany. And

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people were telling me they
hang, scares them, etc. and

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then what I noticed was
spirits were still high,

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00:15:10,477 --> 00:15:13,647
but people became more and
more glued to the big

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screen showing cable news
and their phones. And I

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went outside a couple times
and there was some young

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00:15:20,454 --> 00:15:24,157
guys that are like, I could
overhear them talking Crow

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Crowley's being hung in
this county, but Crowley is,

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you know, they were not
expecting that. And when

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Tiffany came and he he gave
his speech at about right

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around 10 p.m. and he
talked with reporters after.

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00:15:37,004 --> 00:15:40,040
And the first question was,
If Crowley wins, does that

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00:15:40,107 --> 00:15:42,676
change your strategy since
you've been spending so

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00:15:42,743 --> 00:15:47,080
much time attacking hang
and he he's been using a

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00:15:47,147 --> 00:15:50,017
line where he says there's
not a dime's worth of

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difference between the
Democrats. Okay. And then

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00:15:52,252 --> 00:15:55,722
the next line out of his
mouth was, David Crowley

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00:15:55,789 --> 00:15:59,092
never called out Francesca
Hong for all those crazy

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00:15:59,159 --> 00:16:04,064
things she said, which is,
it's an answer, but you it

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00:16:04,131 --> 00:16:07,201
just seemed like he might
not have had a whole list

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00:16:07,267 --> 00:16:10,137
of talking points against
Crowley ready to go,

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00:16:10,204 --> 00:16:12,639
because it was a surprise
for a lot of people that

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has happened. Tiffany's
campaign put out a its

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00:16:17,511 --> 00:16:21,048
first campaign attack ad
against Crowley, trying to,

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00:16:21,114 --> 00:16:24,518
you know, identify him to
the rest of the state. But

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00:16:24,585 --> 00:16:28,222
still, on a campaign
election night, unexpected.

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00:16:28,288 --> 00:16:31,792
>> So what are you watching
for, Zac, as the campaign

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00:16:31,859 --> 00:16:34,962
gets going here? Week one
of the of the general

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00:16:35,028 --> 00:16:37,364
election campaign between
Tiffany and Crowley.

331
00:16:37,431 --> 00:16:39,833
>> Right now, it's about
money. Tom. Tiffany has got

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00:16:39,900 --> 00:16:42,736
a lot of money in the bank
and he's already spending

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00:16:42,803 --> 00:16:44,771
it. His first ads going out
already. He's got

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00:16:44,838 --> 00:16:46,773
billionaires funneling
money through the party to

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00:16:46,840 --> 00:16:49,576
him, so he looks like he'll
be well financed, at least

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00:16:49,643 --> 00:16:51,712
for now. Crowley did
release a statement saying

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00:16:51,778 --> 00:16:54,715
he raised a million and a
half in the first 24 hours.

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00:16:54,781 --> 00:16:56,717
The big question is, can he
build on that? That might

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00:16:56,783 --> 00:16:59,853
have been a lot of
transfers from the

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00:16:59,920 --> 00:17:01,722
Association or the state
Democratic Party waiting to

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00:17:01,788 --> 00:17:03,991
give money to the nominee.
So the question is, how

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00:17:04,057 --> 00:17:06,760
fast can he get out and
start running his own ads

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00:17:06,827 --> 00:17:09,563
before Tiffany is able to
define him? Among the

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00:17:09,630 --> 00:17:11,999
voters in the state that
haven't heard much about

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00:17:12,065 --> 00:17:13,600
him because they've heard
so much about Francesca

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00:17:13,667 --> 00:17:16,203
Hong.
billionaires, the the you

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00:17:16,270 --> 00:17:18,071
lines, and Diane Hendricks.
They're not always united

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00:17:18,138 --> 00:17:19,706
around a Republican
candidate or backing the

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00:17:19,773 --> 00:17:22,042
state party. They are this
time.

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00:17:22,109 --> 00:17:24,311
>> For now.
>> I think one question you

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00:17:24,378 --> 00:17:27,314
got to have is that this is
the first year we've had

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00:17:27,381 --> 00:17:30,184
really rich. You alluded to
this in a story you did.

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00:17:30,250 --> 00:17:33,387
But the first year since
2010, when you could say

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00:17:33,453 --> 00:17:36,823
the Assembly and the Senate
and the governor's office

355
00:17:36,890 --> 00:17:40,294
are all kind of up for
grabs, either party could

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00:17:40,360 --> 00:17:43,764
win, you know, all three.
And so big donors are going

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00:17:43,830 --> 00:17:46,500
to have to decide, do we
want to spread this around

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00:17:46,567 --> 00:17:49,369
or focus on where we think
our money will go the

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00:17:49,436 --> 00:17:51,438
farthest? That's all the
time we have for today.

360
00:17:51,505 --> 00:17:53,607
Thanks for joining us. Our
colleague Anya van

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00:17:53,674 --> 00:17:57,744
Wagtendonk will be back
next week. This has been

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00:17:57,811 --> 00:18:01,949
inside Wisconsin politics.
wisconsin.org. WPR.org,

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00:18:02,015 --> 00:18:06,153
YouTube, or wherever you
get your podcasts.
