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been a week since the
budget surplus deal fell

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apart at the Capitol, and
we're still making sense of

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the fallout. Today, we talk
about how it's playing out

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in the governor's race.
More insight on the talks

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that failed and more
information about what it

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would mean for the state's
bottom line. This is inside

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Wisconsin politics.

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I'm Shawn Johnson
here with my

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colleagues Anya van
Wagtendonk and Zac Schultz.

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Hey, you two.
>> Hello.

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>> So, Zac, we pretty much
ran out of time last week

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talking about this deal
because there are so many

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facets to it and so many
players, so many

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motivations to discuss. We
barely touched on part of

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it, which is how it's being
received in the Democratic

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primary for governor, which
is just as well, because we

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had more reactions since
that show and since the

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deal fell apart. I guess if
you had to sum it up, this

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big Democratic primary, how
are the candidates dealing

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with this big deal that
they weren't really

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expecting to come along?
>> Well, it was interesting

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to watch the reactions as
it was unfolding when I

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think most people probably
thought this was going to

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pass in the days leading up
to it. We saw kind of I saw

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three different responses.
There were two very clear

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no's from Francesca and
Hong and from Kelda Roys,

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both running in a more
progressive stance. The two

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only that actually got to
vote on this because

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they're still in the
legislature. Then we saw

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Missy Hughes come out.
Absolutely all for it. One

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of the only ones to to say
this is a good deal and it

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makes sense to try and get
this done, perhaps a way to

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try and give herself a
little attention in a

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crowded race where
struggle for oxygen. And

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then we saw kind of a
muddled middle of a lot of

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candidates that really were
like, I really don't like

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the process. And this may
not be the best deal, but

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it was clear they were not
ready to come out against

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it. And then it failed. And
then the knives started

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coming out afterwards. And
what we've seen since then

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has been different, but it
felt like those lanes were

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kind of decided in the lead
up to it. And then

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afterwards they exposed a
little more of how they

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were feeling about it and
who they were ready to

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blame more specifically for
how it went apart.

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>> Anna, how are you
processing this? You know,

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I guess variety of
reactions all coming from

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these candidates at once.
>> Yeah. Well, in some ways,

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I think the bill was an
election year messaging

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tool anyways, right. For
the people who negotiated

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it. And so all of a sudden
it presented an opportunity

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for people in this crowded
primary who are not really

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all that distinguished. I
still run into people who

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do not know that there is a
governor's race this year,

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right? So this is a way and
most people are not

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watching our show.
Apparently they will, but

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they'll start. Yeah, but so
this is an opportunity for

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those Democrats to try to
message around school

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funding property taxes,
these really big election

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year issues, and to try to
stand out a little bit.

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>> Yeah. Talk about trying
to stand out. There are

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sort of degrees of no and
degrees of yes, like on on

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degrees of no. Kelda Roys.
I think we were just

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checking out our emails and
she came out against this

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deal in less than two hours
after it was made public.

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So there's somebody who's
trying to let people know

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I'm definitely against this,
and she's got to vote on it

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one way or another, so
might as well take a

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position Francesca Hong the
same day. And then you've

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got the candidates, as you
alluded to, Joel Brennan

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who worked for Tony Evers
saying, I didn't like the

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process and then some. I
don't know exactly where

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they stand on the deal
where, you know, they're

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just basically saying it
failed. We got to move on.

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You know, why is why would
they give such a a muddled

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answer, as you called it?
Why not take a position on

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this thing?
>> I think because there

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was a lot to lose not
knowing how it was going to

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come out. Most of these
people were not involved in

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any of the discussions.
They probably did not know

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that they were even
happening at this time. And

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I think it probably was
true that Kelda may not

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have known they were
happening, given how

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quickly she responded, it
may have known that, hey,

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Senate Dems were not in the
loop, which is ultimately

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what killed this. And she
had the most distinct

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opportunity to put her
stamp on this entire

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process. Because no matter
what, she was the only one

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that was in the chamber
where it could have passed

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that said, no, that was not
the deciding vote, but a

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deciding vote adjacent in
terms of being able to say,

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this is going down, I will
not vote for it. And I

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stand with the rest of my
colleagues. So there are

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definitely a lot of things
to be gained for some of

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those people and being very
clear, and there's a lot to

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lose. And so some of that
is just the approach that

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some of these candidates
have taken in this primary

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is cautious front runner or
assumed frontrunner. And

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how close are they to
Governor Evers to begin

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with? We've got multiple
people who've worked in his

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staff, two lieutenant
people that are not close

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to the Evers administration
at all. So they can be a

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little more freewheeling
there. They're not hoping

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for, you know, the if they
win a primary or come close,

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if Evers bestowing, you
know, any blessings upon

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them at the last minute,
they can be farther apart.

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>> Yeah. He has said
repeatedly he's not going

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to endorse in this campaign.
And he seems like unhappy

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with the candidates
increasingly, especially as

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they kind of trash his deal
as as they did this time

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around. Ana. I think what
strikes me is that these

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candidates set out this
campaign and they had a

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plan. They want to talk
about certain messages.

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They want to talk about
Donald Trump. They want to

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define themselves on their
terms. And when the

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governor negotiates an
agreement with Republican

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leaders, it kind of throws
a wrench in those plans,

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doesn't it?
there's sort of policy and

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issues, and then there's
politics. And this was a

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political week, right? This
was all about these

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negotiations and kind of
the powerful, the

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negotiations of power that
were taking place. And so

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that's really different
than the issue of property

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taxes, which nobody is
going to go on record

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supporting high property
taxes. Nobody, especially

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in the Democratic Party, is
going to go on record not

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wanting to fully fund
public schools. And so how

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do you kind of take a
stance that allows you to

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be on sort of the right
side of that politically?

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Well, then also taking part
in the political

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maneuverings in the capital,
which again, like normal

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people don't follow, don't
really understand. They're

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just going to see what's on
their mailers in a couple

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of months saying voted for
or against money in your

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pocket or money for your
schools. And so that's a

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really kind of complicated
dance to be doing right now.

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>> And do you think that,
you know, coming out in

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favor of the deal is Missy
Hughes did, for example, is

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going to help you stand out
in this crowded primary in

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a time when people are not
necessarily paying

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attention to this race.
>> Well, I will say this is

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probably the only time that
we've talked about Missy

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Hughes and said her name
more than once in a podcast.

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And for someone who has
been polling in the low

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single digits, that matters.
Not that we're going to

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sway the the voting public,
but getting your name out

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and taking a stance, I
think was a move for her to

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say, no, I will stand up
for something as opposed to

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like David Crowley, whose
name we haven't mentioned

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yet. He's running right in
the middle of that primary.

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We saw the releases he put
out about this bill before

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and after, and I still
don't know 100% whether he

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liked it or didn't like it
or was just kind of sitting

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in the middle on it, but I.
Shawn, I want to ask you

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about the money thing,
because we've seen the

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Legislative Fiscal Bureau
numbers. That was something

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that the Democrats put out
there right away saying

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this was unsustainable. It
wasn't real money. It would

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have set us up for a really
bad budget. How much do you

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think that worked at the
time for them, versus how

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much? Was it a convenient
excuse for them afterwards

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when they really voted it
down because of power

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maneuvers?
>> Oh, it could be a mix of

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both. I mean, if you look
at the fiscal Bureau

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numbers, which Oneida did a
great story on yesterday,

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that's a pretty real
concern. You know, whether

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or not that was their
primary concern for voting

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this thing down or what
political calculations they

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made. I think when you're
looking at a 2.95 billion

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projected budget deficit at
the end of the next two

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year budget, not the one
we're in now, but the one

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after that feels real to me
on you. I mean, just

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looking through those
numbers, right.

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>> And, you know, the sort
of important caveat is that

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that number from the
Legislative Fiscal Bureau

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doesn't take into account
the fact that we are in a

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period of sort of
remarkable economic

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so it says that we would
have that deficit, that

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sort of almost $3 billion
deficit were this to have

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passed. And that's not
accounting for potential

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changes to tax revenue, to
the fact that there's like

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a war going on right now
that is affecting oil and

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gas prices, all these
different things. And so

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from all of the Democrats
who voted against it, and

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then also from the
Republicans who voted

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concern about the cost of
this thing, which was kind

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of nebulous. And so even
with those kind of firmer

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numbers, it, you know,
justifies, I think, what

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some of those lawmakers
were saying on the floor.

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But it also kind of points
to this place, again,

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political gamesmanship that
we often see when it comes

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to appropriations, which is
what is what is our money

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for? What is our state
surplus for? Is it for

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things like this? Is it to
have kind of in our back

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pockets? And so there was
that was really the

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contours of the fight.
>> You know, I think.

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>> Candidates come into
office and they want to do

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things and they can just
imagine how nice it would

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be to do things if
everything goes their way

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in 2027 and their party was
in control of the Senate,

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and who knows what else.
And so probably they would

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like that money to spend on
their priorities and don't

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want to come into that
situation running a deficit.

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So, you know, people become
more budget hawks kind of

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depending on the
circumstances. I think from

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time to time, I will say
one thing that stood out to

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me this week is Tony Evers
did an interview with Wisn

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TV where, and we alluded to
this a bit last week in

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terms of the way that the
governor kind of pursued

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these negotiations, but he
was straight up asked if he

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sought out Democratic votes
on this bill, and he said,

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no, Zac, how do you do that
in the Senate, given the,

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you know, political
breakdown there?

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>> I mean, I would call it
political malpractice in

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the sense that anyone who
looks at that, apparently

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he was told that he had the
Republican votes alone to

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pass it in that chamber. 1
it's surprising that he

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would count just on those.
But especially given the

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two senators that we've
talked about repeatedly in

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that chamber that have
voted against every one of

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these proposals, including
Senators Soros and Kapenga

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Nosse is leaving. We talked
about it last week. There's

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no way he's going to be a
yes vote on this. No one

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would ever believe that I.
I don't care who you're

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talking to. But then that
assumes that you're going

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to get Kapenga as well. And
not to not to count Senator

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Hutten, who's also leaving
the chamber, who voted no.

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In the end, I think they
thought maybe more likely

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they could have gotten him.
But. CapEx Bongino in the

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last couple of budgets. So
those are really big

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assumptions. At a time when
you have Democrats over

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there, why not reach out
and say, hey, if we need

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you, will you be there?
Because we mentioned a

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couple of names for
Democrats, vulnerable

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Democrats that are up for
election this session and

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Jeff Smith, and why would
you not reach out and say,

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hey, can we count on you if
we need to? You don't even

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have to necessarily offer
them anything, but clue

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them in and make them feel
like they're part of the

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team. So the fact that he
said he didn't, it seems

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really strange.
into negotiations, counting

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on one of those two
lawmakers you just

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mentioned to vote for your
deal. We did get a question

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from someone in our
audience that feels timely

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right now. This came from a
student at the University

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00:11:08,068 --> 00:11:09,903
of Wisconsin, La Crosse,
where they watch our show

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in their legislative
process class. Here's her

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00:11:12,172 --> 00:11:15,409
question about special
sessions.

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00:11:15,876 --> 00:11:18,278
>> My name is Katie and I'm
studying political science

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00:11:18,345 --> 00:11:21,448
at UW-La Crosse. My
question is, why have there

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been so many special
sessions called by Governor

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Evers? And does this trend
signal breakdown in normal

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legislative compromise, or
is it simply a strategic

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political tool?
>> All right. Well, we have

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all covered our share of
special sessions now. And

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so let's all just chime in
on this. But Anya, you

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first, how would you answer
this question about special

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sessions?
>> I mean, again, I think

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that they are often a
messaging tool and

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00:11:44,271 --> 00:11:46,874
especially in divided
Democrats are never going

261
00:11:46,940 --> 00:11:49,276
to get their bills on the
floor while Republicans

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00:11:49,343 --> 00:11:52,179
control it, or at least
they're sort of values

263
00:11:52,246 --> 00:11:54,882
first, their top priorities
on the floor. This is a way

264
00:11:54,948 --> 00:11:57,284
for the Democratic governor
to signal what is most

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00:11:57,351 --> 00:11:59,486
important to him by calling
these special sessions, and

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00:11:59,553 --> 00:12:02,055
then also, if he does it on
things that, again, are

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00:12:02,122 --> 00:12:04,925
kind of widely popular no
matter how you vote, he can

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00:12:04,992 --> 00:12:07,594
force votes on certain
issues. So he can for

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00:12:07,661 --> 00:12:10,163
example, he he called a
special session a few years

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00:12:10,230 --> 00:12:12,833
ago on child care, trying
to force Republicans to

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00:12:12,900 --> 00:12:15,602
vote in a way that could
then get messaged as

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Republicans don't care
whether you get child care.

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And so that's one use of it.
But I will say I have only

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ever covered special
sessions under divided

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00:12:22,676 --> 00:12:24,711
government. I have only
ever covered Evers special

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00:12:24,778 --> 00:12:27,014
sessions. So I'm curious
for you guys who have

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covered when Republicans
controlled the legislature

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and the governor's office,
when they worked in tandem,

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the Walker years, what did
special sessions look like

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00:12:34,988 --> 00:12:36,924
then?
>> Derrick. I seem to

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remember a pretty big
special session when

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Governor Scott Walker was
sworn in, actually, the day

283
00:12:42,729 --> 00:12:45,999
of his inauguration. He. He
declared a special session

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00:12:46,066 --> 00:12:48,202
on jobs. I think he called
it.

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00:12:48,268 --> 00:12:50,804
>> Yeah, that seemed to be
pretty, pretty big. Some

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00:12:50,871 --> 00:12:53,340
acts came out of that that
still resonate with a lot

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00:12:53,407 --> 00:12:55,609
of the public and may bring
up some traumatic memories

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00:12:55,676 --> 00:12:58,312
for a lot of people who
marched around the Capitol

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00:12:58,378 --> 00:13:00,681
during those act ten
protests. Yeah, in that era,

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00:13:00,747 --> 00:13:03,717
I mean, we have to look
back in 25 years of my time

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00:13:03,784 --> 00:13:06,553
covering this legislature,
there has been one session

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00:13:06,620 --> 00:13:09,089
in which there was truly
divided government in the

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00:13:09,156 --> 00:13:10,591
legislature, in which
Republicans held a chamber,

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00:13:10,657 --> 00:13:13,794
and the Democrats held a
chamber. So most of the

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00:13:13,861 --> 00:13:16,029
time, the past two and a
half decades, we've looked

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00:13:16,096 --> 00:13:19,066
at this, there hasn't been
compromised necessary in

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00:13:19,132 --> 00:13:21,468
the legislature. It's come
between the executive and

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00:13:21,535 --> 00:13:25,005
the legislative branches.
So special sessions are one

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00:13:25,072 --> 00:13:27,941
way for a governor to draw
attention to what they need

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00:13:28,008 --> 00:13:30,711
to. And I asked Governor
Evers about this a couple

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00:13:30,777 --> 00:13:33,547
of years ago when he was
calling him left and right,

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00:13:33,614 --> 00:13:35,682
and he only has a couple
opportunities to actually

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00:13:35,749 --> 00:13:37,751
bring attention to what he
wants. He can write a

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00:13:37,818 --> 00:13:41,655
budget which he knows will
get immediately trashed,

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00:13:41,722 --> 00:13:43,690
and introduce his values,
his principles, and say,

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00:13:43,757 --> 00:13:46,627
this is what I would like
to see happen. And then he

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00:13:46,693 --> 00:13:48,729
can call special sessions.
Other than that, that is

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00:13:48,795 --> 00:13:51,598
his only legal power to do
something in the Capitol.

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00:13:51,665 --> 00:13:53,567
The rest of the time, it's
the bully pulpit and going

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00:13:53,634 --> 00:13:56,770
around and talking to the
media.

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00:13:56,837 --> 00:13:58,939
would have answered Katie's
question differently a few

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00:13:59,006 --> 00:14:02,476
weeks ago than I would now.
And and that is to say that

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00:14:02,543 --> 00:14:04,811
a few weeks ago I would
have said that special

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00:14:04,878 --> 00:14:07,281
sessions from this governor
are basically all about

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00:14:07,347 --> 00:14:09,816
messaging, that they are
all about forcing

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00:14:09,883 --> 00:14:12,519
Republicans to take a
position against his

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00:14:12,586 --> 00:14:15,088
priorities or to get his
priorities on the record. I

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00:14:15,155 --> 00:14:17,057
would say this last special
session that he called,

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00:14:17,124 --> 00:14:20,194
where he brought
Republicans in to pass a

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00:14:20,260 --> 00:14:23,297
deal, he thought that they
negotiated. That's kind of

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00:14:23,363 --> 00:14:25,999
a special session, as the
founders intended, or the

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00:14:26,066 --> 00:14:28,635
framers of the state
constitution would have

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00:14:28,702 --> 00:14:32,739
intended, where, look, the
regular sessions done or

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00:14:32,806 --> 00:14:35,609
are calendar days are done.
We have this big issue we

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00:14:35,676 --> 00:14:38,345
want to deal with, and we
just ran out of time with,

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00:14:38,412 --> 00:14:41,415
let's let's agree to come
back in for a special

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00:14:41,481 --> 00:14:43,550
session of the legislature.
And it's more ceremonial. 2

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00:14:43,617 --> 00:14:46,720
you had everybody actually
in the building versus most

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00:14:46,787 --> 00:14:49,590
special sessions like the
one on gerrymandering, for

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00:14:49,656 --> 00:14:52,392
example, that was for show.
And by the way, they

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00:14:52,459 --> 00:14:55,529
gaveled that out last
Thursday, kind of when

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00:14:55,596 --> 00:14:58,632
nobody was paying attention.
That was done. That was one

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00:14:58,699 --> 00:15:00,467
where the governor wanted
to highlight an issue, said,

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00:15:00,534 --> 00:15:02,569
let's end partisan
gerrymandering. And

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00:15:02,636 --> 00:15:05,706
Republicans said, we'll
consider it and not anymore.

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00:15:05,772 --> 00:15:07,708
It's gaveled out.
>> Yeah. And the way that

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00:15:07,774 --> 00:15:10,677
Republicans can respond to
the governor trying to call

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00:15:10,744 --> 00:15:13,714
attention to something
is what's called a skeletal

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00:15:13,780 --> 00:15:15,883
session. Which two of them
come in, they gavel it in,

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00:15:15,949 --> 00:15:18,819
they gavel it out. They
don't even have to bring

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00:15:18,886 --> 00:15:20,988
everyone to do the thing.
So that's the response to

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00:15:21,054 --> 00:15:23,690
we want attention on this.
You want attention, we'll

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00:15:23,757 --> 00:15:25,826
give you an empty dark
chamber. We literally won't

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00:15:25,893 --> 00:15:27,961
turn the lights on. That's
how little attention we'll

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00:15:28,028 --> 00:15:30,864
pay to it. But it is all
about politics. It all. It

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00:15:30,931 --> 00:15:33,700
is entirely about optics.
This last one was a little

347
00:15:33,767 --> 00:15:36,470
different, and the thing
that's probably deceiving

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00:15:36,537 --> 00:15:38,939
legally called special
calls them, or

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00:15:39,006 --> 00:15:40,774
extraordinary sessions in
the legislature calls them.

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00:15:40,841 --> 00:15:42,876
Those are just names. All
it means is it happens

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00:15:42,943 --> 00:15:44,678
outside the regular
calendar. Republicans two

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00:15:44,745 --> 00:15:46,747
years ago declared the
calendar was going to be

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00:15:46,813 --> 00:15:49,049
done in March. So nine
months to campaign. That's

354
00:15:49,116 --> 00:15:52,753
the only reason. It's not
regular session. It's

355
00:15:52,819 --> 00:15:54,788
special time in the Capitol
that people will remember.

356
00:15:54,855 --> 00:15:57,791
>> Yeah. Yes they will. If
you want to ask us a

357
00:15:57,858 --> 00:15:59,927
question about state
government or politics,

358
00:15:59,993 --> 00:16:04,064
send us an email at Inside
Wisconsin Politics at wpri

359
00:16:04,131 --> 00:16:08,802
dot before we wrap up here,
I did want to talk about

360
00:16:08,869 --> 00:16:12,005
the campaign for governor.
On the Republican side. We

361
00:16:12,072 --> 00:16:16,376
had a state GOP convention
over this past weekend. Tom

362
00:16:16,443 --> 00:16:18,445
Tiffany is now the endorsed
candidate. He doesn't have

363
00:16:18,512 --> 00:16:20,747
to worry about a primary
the way that the candidates

364
00:16:20,814 --> 00:16:24,818
had to in 2022, so he can
focus on the general

365
00:16:25,419 --> 00:16:29,690
election now. And yet, Zac,
we're talking about the

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00:16:29,756 --> 00:16:32,459
2020 election here. What is
Tom Tiffany talking about?

367
00:16:32,526 --> 00:16:35,662
>> He cannot get away from
Trump's main grievance,

368
00:16:35,729 --> 00:16:38,665
which is the fact that he
lost to Joe Biden in 2020.

369
00:16:38,732 --> 00:16:41,235
And because he still has
such a powerful grip over

370
00:16:41,301 --> 00:16:43,570
the Republican Party
nationally, which we just

371
00:16:43,637 --> 00:16:46,540
saw in Republican primaries
in Kentucky and in

372
00:16:46,607 --> 00:16:49,476
Louisiana Senate races,
that his people have to

373
00:16:49,543 --> 00:16:52,646
fall in line on his beliefs
or his incorrect beliefs

374
00:16:52,713 --> 00:16:55,482
that the 2020 election was
stolen. So Tom Tiffany is

375
00:16:55,549 --> 00:16:58,886
still answering questions
about election fraud

376
00:16:58,952 --> 00:17:01,355
investigations and whether
Joe Biden won the election

377
00:17:01,421 --> 00:17:03,924
with, you know, kind of
diffusing or deferring and

378
00:17:03,991 --> 00:17:06,460
trying to get away from it
because he can't come out

379
00:17:06,527 --> 00:17:08,462
and honestly say, no, of
course Trump lost. That's

380
00:17:08,529 --> 00:17:10,697
been warranted over and
over. Every Republican

381
00:17:10,764 --> 00:17:13,534
group out there, from Vos
to the Wisconsin Institute

382
00:17:13,600 --> 00:17:16,270
for Law and Liberty has
already said so. And that

383
00:17:16,336 --> 00:17:18,372
is something that Democrats
love to hear, because they

384
00:17:18,438 --> 00:17:21,241
will continue to hang that
around his neck all the way

385
00:17:21,308 --> 00:17:23,410
to November as much as they
possibly can, the closer

386
00:17:23,477 --> 00:17:25,646
they tie him to Donald
Trump. And these grievances

387
00:17:25,712 --> 00:17:28,315
from four years, six years
ago now that the better off

388
00:17:28,382 --> 00:17:31,251
it is for them.
>> And Ana just real quick,

389
00:17:31,318 --> 00:17:34,288
I mean, it seems like this
is an issue where as much

390
00:17:34,354 --> 00:17:37,257
as he wants to go for those
handful of voters who are

391
00:17:37,324 --> 00:17:39,927
in the middle, this is a
line that he can't cross as

392
00:17:39,993 --> 00:17:42,429
far as Republicans are
concerned.

393
00:17:42,496 --> 00:17:45,432
one of the lessons from
this week is that in state

394
00:17:45,499 --> 00:17:48,335
politics, it's not the time
if you are a Republican to

395
00:17:48,402 --> 00:17:51,371
be bucking Trump. And so we
are seeing him sort of tie

396
00:17:51,438 --> 00:17:53,440
himself again to this issue.
And it'll be interesting to

397
00:17:53,507 --> 00:17:57,044
see how much does that
motivate his Republican

398
00:17:57,110 --> 00:17:59,613
that turn off those
moderate voters and

399
00:17:59,680 --> 00:18:02,282
>> Absolutely. That's all
the time we have for today.

400
00:18:02,349 --> 00:18:04,351
Thanks for joining us. This
has been inside Wisconsin

401
00:18:04,418 --> 00:18:06,119
politics. Our colleague
Rich Kremer will be back

402
00:18:06,186 --> 00:18:08,322
next week. Be sure to
follow us on PBS

403
00:18:08,388 --> 00:18:10,724
wisconsin.org. WPR.org,
YouTube, or wherever you

404
00:18:10,791 --> 00:18:12,593
get your podcasts.
