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Wisconsin
Republicans convene a

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special session on
gerrymandering and nothing

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gerrymandering and nothing
really happens. But what

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does it mean that they kept
the session open? Plus,

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another key GOP senator
retires and the race for

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governor picks up steam.
This is Inside Wisconsin

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Politics.

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I'm Shawn Johnson
here with my colleagues,

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Anya van Wagtendonk Zac
Schultz and Rich Cramer in

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Eau Claire. Hey, everyone.
>> Hello, Shawn. Hey.

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>> So, Anya, I think
there's actually a lot to

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kind of pick apart in terms
of why Republicans did what

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they did with this session
and what this issue means

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to the parties this year.
But first, for people who

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have not experienced the
drama of a special session,

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I think maybe they hear
that word special and

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assume it is kind of a big
deal. What's it actually

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like in the room where this
happens?

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regular sessions, I think
something that not a lot of

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people know is that there
are very few surprises

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during a regular session.
Right? If something is

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coming to the floor, that
means the majority wants it

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there. Generally speaking,
going to happen with a

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special session, and
especially this time around,

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where Republicans hadn't
signaled in advance that

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they hated the idea. There
was really an open question

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of exactly what was going
to happen on that day. So

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going into it, I kind of
needed to be in two places

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at once. I needed to be in
both the Assembly and the

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Senate. And then thankfully,
Assembly leadership sent

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out a message saying, we're
going to keep this open,

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but that's so that we can
have negotiations. So okay,

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so that signals that like,
maybe I don't need to be in

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the assembly. So we go over
to the Senate. That's where

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all of the reporters are
waiting to see what exactly

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is going to happen in the
Senate. And then there was

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just a lot of waiting
around. Only Democrats were

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showing up. Finally,
Democrats hold a press

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conference to kind of
criticize their colleagues

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across the aisle saying
they're not doing anything.

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Republican leaders show up
and say, we too are leaving

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the session open. And so
the end result is that it

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was a whole lot of waiting
around for nothing but the

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nothing could become
reached sort of

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negotiations with the
governor and then reconvene

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at some point in the future.
>> And I can tell you,

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because we did team
coverage on this one in the

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Assembly, it was a whole
lot of milling about would

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be the way I'd describe it.
I don't think they even had

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gavels this time, which
feels like it's really kind

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of a pretty, pretty chill
in there. So, okay, the

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special session was not all
that dramatic, but the

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important thing is this
thing is technically open.

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So, Zac, I guess my
question is, why is that?

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I'm. Maybe it's just muscle
memory, but I just am used

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to this Republican
legislature being pretty

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comfortable telling this
governor, don't tell us

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what to do.
>> Well, there's only one

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of two reasons why to keep
it open. One, because maybe

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they actually want to do
something and B, be good to

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their word and negotiate
and try and pass this

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constitutional amendment or
it open are important to

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their base and their voters,
because redistricting and

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gerrymandering is an
especially this time around,

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it's Republican voters who
understand, oh, this is why

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we're potentially losing
the Senate, and we lost a

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bunch of races in the seat.
It doesn't feel good to be

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on this end of it. And so
maybe since both sides have

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felt the effects of when
it's not in your favor,

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that perhaps there's an
idea of, hey, let's come to

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a compromise and try and
resolve this.

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>> Rich, what do you think?
Is this a real session here?

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Could something actually
>> I suppose it could. This.

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There's been a lot of
surprises in the this

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session and the end of the
last session for me. I

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started working at WP in
2011 about. And you know,

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I'm used to seeing Gavelin
gavel out, essentially

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saying thanks, but no
thanks from the Republicans

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saying that to Governor
Tony Evers. But we've got

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these new state legislative
maps. You know, control of

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the Senate is a big
question mark after the

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November election. So
they're just acting

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differently. What it means.
I don't know what happens.

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I really don't know.
>> You know, coming back to

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the optics that you
mentioned there, I feel

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like that is probably a big
factor. You know, whatever

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ends up being decided here.
Just thinking back to 2024,

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which was the first year
that we had elections under

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these new, more competitive
legislative maps. And I got

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to edit a bunch of stories
from reporters around the

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state. And I swear, the
number one thing I heard in

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every story from these
candidates in these

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contested districts, these
5050 districts, was voters

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want candidates who will
work across the aisle and

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not, you know, get into
these fights in Madison,

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Wisconsin. So if you're
trying to do what's best

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for those candidates right
now, why not keep it open?

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You know, why not keep that
an option for them to at

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least talk about? Ana, did
you get the sense that the

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governor kind of saw that
too, with the statement

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that he put out after this
session? It was pretty like,

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get going. You know, get
yourselves in gear here.

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>> The statement that said
there is actually nothing

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to negotiate. While we are
wondering whether he and

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Republicans are in the
middle of negotiations

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around this language, yeah,
it does kind of raise the

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question of what those
negotiations will look like

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and to what extent. This is
about sort of a messaging

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war going into this
election year. One of the

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things that he also said in
that statement was, you

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know, lawmakers will have
to go on the record about

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their feeling about
gerrymandering. And so if

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they don't, if they don't
hold this session, if they

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don't go to the floor, that
is a statement. And so

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really trying to, again,
kind of put the onus on

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Republicans who are,
especially in the Senate,

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quite vulnerable right now
to make the point to their

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voters where they stand on
this issue.

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the skeptic here for one
more minute here as to why

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they might not want to do
this. This is a Republican

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legislature. We've been
talking about how the

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Supreme Court has this
liberal majority that could

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be there for years. The
resolution that the

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governor is proposing just
says, basically, districts

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shall not provide a
disproportionate advantage.

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Partisan gerrymandering is
prohibited. It's pretty

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thin. Who's going to
interpret that if they

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passed it?
>> Well, there's only two

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ways to interpret it. One
is they actually negotiate

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state law. That gives a
definition for what that

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means. That could be the
negotiations happening as a

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a parallel bill, if that
was actually going to be

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resolved through the
legislature and the

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it's going to be the
Supreme Court. And

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ultimately, no matter what
gets passed, it'll be the

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Supreme Court, because
these would be added to the

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Wisconsin Constitution.
This would be a

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constitutional amendment,
big language that does not

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have definitions so far in
state law. And that really

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would be a liberal Supreme
Court, more than likely

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coming back to say, well,
this is what we determined

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to be partizan
gerrymandering or this is

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what we think is an
advantage for Partizans.

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>> Rich, what happens when
you invite a court to start

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talking about statistics
and mathematics?

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>> Oh, you know, like a
three year court trial. I'm

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exaggerating. But what also
happens is the courts have

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generally not wanted to
touch this, this claim,

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this partizan
gerrymandering claim from

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the U.S. Supreme Court to
the Wisconsin Supreme Court.

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They've just wanted to
avoid it. And if we look

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back to when the
legislative maps passed by

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Republicans in 2011 were
struck down, they didn't do

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it. They didn't take up the
partisan gerrymandering

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claim. They got around that
by looking at contiguity of

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districts. Whether or not
one district has a piece in

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another. So that was, in a
way, a technicality. They

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did get to the same place
that the plaintiffs wanted,

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which was new maps, but it
took a bit of a roundabout

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way to get there.
>> Okay, before we move on

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from this, can we just kind
of explore the possibility

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that maybe there would be a
scenario where Republicans

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really would look at the
situation and say, hey,

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let's pass this. Let's make
a deal with the governor.

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Let's say it's November
after the election. How

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might that play out?
>> I think the biggest

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variable is who wins in
November. Because remember,

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constitutional amendments
need two consecutive

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sessions so this
legislature can pass it all

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the way through December
31st. But then the next

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legislature, which will be
made up in November

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elections, will determine
whether it gets passed

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again. And so that's the
key element there. Is there

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a scenario where the
winners in the fall

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indicate we would like to
actually pass this? And so

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there's incentive to do it
in a lame duck, possibly.

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>> If if they don't have
the majority, maybe they

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say this is their best
outcome.

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>> Possibly.
>> Okay, well, we've

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already seen the current
map kind of having an

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effect on the upcoming
races here, especially in

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the state Senate, where we
know, you know, majority

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control is going to hinge
on who wins for state

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Senate seats. Rich, you're
sitting in one of those

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districts right now, I
believe. And there was some

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news there this week. What
happened?

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>> Well, first let me take
you on a tour of the 31st

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Senate District. So what
happened was one of the

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Republicans in a race for
the 31st or the Republican

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in the race for the 31st
Senate district announced

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that he's dropping out.
He's not going to run

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against Democrat Jeff Smith.
So this was Senator Jesse

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James, and he was in a
different district. But

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because of the the map
redrawing, he was going to

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have to face Smith. So two
incumbents. But now you've

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got one incumbent. You've
got the Democrat in the

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race who's already
represented the district,

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even though it's changed a
little bit. So big picture

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when the maps were redrawn.
There's four Senate

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districts that are deemed
competitive that it's it's

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really kind of a coin flip
or just about. And we've

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seen retirements from three
of the Republicans in four

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of those districts. And,
you know, that in and of

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itself is a big signal for
how people are feeling

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about the fall election. So
I guess in a way, it

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complicates Republicans
chances of holding the

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Senate majority and
definitely gives some fuel

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to Democrats who are
getting pretty excited

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about November.
>> So we have elections to

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that are going to have to
take place before we get

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the answers to these
questions. But, Anya, I

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would suspect that Senate
Republicans would have

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preferred to run these
races in these, you know,

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three of these four key
seats with Senators Hutton,

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with Senator James, with
Senator Wanggaard, you know,

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what position are they in
now?

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>> I mean, it's interesting,
like there's a mix of

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reasons why these lawmakers
have said that they are

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stepping down. Again, as
Rich just alluded to,

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Democrats are trying to
spin this as, you know,

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they're kind of running
scared. But it is it raises

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sort of the question of who
will then run in their

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spots. So Jesse James is a
really interesting example.

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He has worked quite a bit
across the aisle. He's been

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a real leader on criminal
justice issues. One of my

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favorite sort of fun facts
is that he and Madison

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Democrat Sheila Stubbs are
like best friends, and they

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do a lot of work together.
He's done a lot on mental

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health, and so he is a
really different kind of

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Republican than you might
see in, let's say, suburban

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Milwaukee or something like
this. And so the question

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think Zac has made this
point before that when

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you're in the minority and
when you are kind of

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pushing up against a less
likely scenario, more sort

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of fringe candidates or
people further to the left

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or the right tend to be the
ones who come forward. And

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so there will be a really
interesting question to see

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who is entering these races
in November and what that

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does for who's wanting to
vote in November.

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>> We already have our
first answer in this

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particular race, the first
Republican to announce

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they're going to run her.
Her middle name is MAGA

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Dance, and she put that on
all of her campaign signs

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two years ago when she ran
and lost in an assembly

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race. And you cannot
connect yourself literally

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more closely by putting
your name and making it

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close to Trump's Maga
movement. And that is who

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is running in that
Republican district, which

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is now drawn to be Democrat,
has a Democrat incumbent.

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And as we've talked about
over and over on this show,

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you don't have to look any
more past what the

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candidates do. And when
they are not running, that

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tells you they know the
environment they're up

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against. Every one of them
will have their own

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individual story, but the
larger picture gives us a

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pretty clear roadmap of
what Republicans think of

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their odds in the Senate
specifically. But to go

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back to Robyn Vos holding
the assembly for all those

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years, we saw a number of
elections in 18 and in 22,

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where top of the ballot,
Tammy Baldwin or Tony Evers

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would win some of those
Republican Assembly seats

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and Republicans down ballot
won them. And in part was

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because incumbents name
recognition, fundraising

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ability. And when you have
people drop out, you lose

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all of that. You don't have
the name. You don't have

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the person that knows how
to knock the doors, that

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has the community
connections, and they don't

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raise as much money. That
really does put them in a

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big hole.
backdrop, you have these

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signals being sent by
Republicans dropping out of

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these races. You have the
Supreme Court blowout of a

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couple a week ago. I guess
now it's not at this moment

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looking great for them. So
why would Republican

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Congressman Tom Tiffany,
the candidate for governor,

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pick now to come out with a
seven figure ad buy in the

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governor's race?
>> He's trying to reset the

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landscape. Absolutely. This
is the perfect time to

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reframe it coming out of
that Supreme Court race and

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say, we've got four months
until the August primary

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and then a few months after
that and into November. And

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he is the lone Republican
out there. So he it's a

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positive add. If you watch
the ad, it's not hitting on

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anyone. It's talking about
where his values and where

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he grew up and on a dairy
farm and what he's done for

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his experience and how much
he loves the state. Those

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are all things that play
really well statewide. And

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when he has to boost his
name recognition, if you

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look at the polling, it's
still 65% of Republicans

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weren't sure. And he was
really the only major

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candidate left. So he has
to win his base. And

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there's room for moderates
and independents who,

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especially looking at that
national landscape, may say,

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well, if there's going to
be Democrats in one chamber,

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well, who's going to run
the state? He has an

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opportunity to reset his
agenda, give himself a

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little distance from Trump,
whose name right now is not

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very popular in Wisconsin
among independents, young

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people and a lot of other
groups. So this is a time

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for him to own the stage by
himself. While the

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Democrats don't have money
to go on the air in a seven

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way primary.
>> A rare window to run

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positive ads, we know he he
likes old Fashioneds and

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the Packers and, you know,
all this cliche Wisconsin

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stuff he says about himself.
Rich. There was another

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message in there in the Tom
Tiffany ad that caught your

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eye.
>> Yeah. There was he he

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basically was saying that
he'd fight against, you

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know, Wall Street buying up
residential homes and, and

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push back against big tech,
bulldozing farmland for

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data centers. Those are
talking points that are

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more akin to something
you'd hear out of Democrats

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in recent years. So that is
really interesting. And to

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pivot off of what Zac was
saying, Tiffany's trying to

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define himself before one
of the Democrats define him

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as or they they have
already. But until the

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whole connection with
President Trump sticks more.

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So he's getting out ahead
of it. And also, I've seen

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a lot of conservatives on
social media say, this is

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this ad won him the
election. Well, that's an

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exaggeration. But, you know,
we've seen people tend to

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like kind of boring folks
in general elections.

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Governor Evers is an
example. So maybe Tiffany's

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00:15:21,054 --> 00:15:23,657
trying to make that happen
and build that reputation

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for himself.
>> Shawn, I want to ask you

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about this because I got
the sense that he was

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trying to rebrand himself
as a folksy guy. Now, if

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you look back at the
history of candidates

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00:15:34,801 --> 00:15:36,537
winning elections, you look
at Evers and Tommy Thompson.

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I mean, what's your
impression of what

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attributes do they share in
common when it comes to

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being the everyman in
Wisconsin, that folksy

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nature?
at right now in Wisconsin

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00:15:46,880 --> 00:15:49,750
politics that Rich said the
word boring. But I think

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these candidates kind of
embrace that. Though. Tony

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00:15:53,487 --> 00:15:58,158
Evers gives off this shucks
vibe that is his brand.

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Scott Walker once described
himself as aggressively

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normal when he was running
for president. And I think

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00:16:04,498 --> 00:16:06,400
people in other states
thought, what? But, you

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00:16:06,466 --> 00:16:09,636
know, we know here. Yeah,
that's what won the

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00:16:09,703 --> 00:16:14,274
election. Even, you know,
like Jim Doyle, Harvard Law

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00:16:14,341 --> 00:16:16,577
educated, he would kind of
drop his R's when he was

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00:16:16,643 --> 00:16:19,246
out on the campaign trail
because he knows what he

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00:16:19,313 --> 00:16:22,216
was going for with that
vibe. And so it is

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something that Tom Tiffany
seems to have going for him

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00:16:25,319 --> 00:16:28,488
that that guide that you
could see at a bar talking

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00:16:28,555 --> 00:16:31,792
about sports or you name it.
There was one development

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00:16:31,859 --> 00:16:34,394
in the Democratic primary
that I'd like to touch on

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if we can. There's still a
big primary. There's seven

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00:16:36,997 --> 00:16:39,900
candidates who've been
forms that you all have

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00:16:39,967 --> 00:16:43,537
covered. One of them got a
fairly big endorsement in

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00:16:43,604 --> 00:16:46,139
Democratic politics. Anya,
can you tell us about that?

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00:16:46,206 --> 00:16:48,242
>> Yeah. And then I
actually also want to turn

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00:16:48,308 --> 00:16:51,245
it back to you. So Kelda
Roys got this major

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00:16:51,311 --> 00:16:54,581
endorsement from Wittke,
this big education teachers

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00:16:54,648 --> 00:16:56,783
union and the sort of open
question that I have and

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00:16:56,850 --> 00:16:59,319
that you and I have
discussed is, how

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00:16:59,386 --> 00:17:01,722
significant is that now? So
in the past, that would

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00:17:01,788 --> 00:17:04,091
have been sort of almost
like a kingmaking move. She

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00:17:04,157 --> 00:17:06,860
is certainly really kind of
trying to promote it, in

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00:17:06,927 --> 00:17:08,929
part because her polling
numbers have been pretty

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00:17:08,996 --> 00:17:11,899
low throughout. So this
could be a last chance, a

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00:17:11,965 --> 00:17:14,101
last ditch effort. But I'm
curious what you think

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00:17:14,168 --> 00:17:16,904
compared to, again, like
eight years ago, what what

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00:17:16,970 --> 00:17:20,440
this endorsement could mean?
>> Well, I mean, I think

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00:17:20,507 --> 00:17:23,110
Zac, you know, when before
we had lost a lot of its

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00:17:23,177 --> 00:17:26,613
power with act ten, it was
a huge endorsement. I think

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00:17:26,680 --> 00:17:28,782
in a Democratic primary.
It's something they

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00:17:28,849 --> 00:17:31,652
certainly have to take note
of, though. You can't

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00:17:31,718 --> 00:17:34,454
ignore the largest teachers
union. To me, it just

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00:17:34,521 --> 00:17:36,924
signals that this primary
that we sort of are

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00:17:36,990 --> 00:17:40,727
expecting to get smaller
organically at some point.

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00:17:40,794 --> 00:17:42,930
Kelda Roys not going to go
anywhere when she has the

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00:17:42,996 --> 00:17:46,166
teachers union on her side.
So that is one that seems

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00:17:46,233 --> 00:17:48,869
like it's going to take a
little more time to to sort

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00:17:48,936 --> 00:17:52,739
out here. So that's all the
time we have for today.

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00:17:52,806 --> 00:17:56,510
Thanks for joining us. This
has been inside Wisconsin

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00:17:56,577 --> 00:17:59,980
politics. Be sure to follow
us on PBS Wisconsin. Org.

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00:18:00,047 --> 00:18:04,284
On YouTube or wherever you
get your podcasts.
