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Okay.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Okay.

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Good morning everyone.

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I'm Ed.

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I'm Ed.

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I'm Dr. 24 Marshall.

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This is a few minutes.

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I'm going to talk about, please be sure.

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Okay.

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All right.

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I'm sorry.

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I'm sorry.

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I'm sorry.

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I'm sorry.

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I'm sorry.

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I'm sorry.

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I'm sorry.

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All rise.

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Carry, carry.

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The Wisconsin Supreme Court is now in session.

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The Honorable Chief Justice Joe Kerarski Psajte.

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Your silence is s layered.

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Good morning everybody.

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Go ahead and have a seat.

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I just want to go through a couple of administrative things before we start today.

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Number one, Justice Dowd is having a speaker issue, not to get too personal.

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So we've turned the volume up on the sound system, I think it's, I hope it's loud enough.

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Will you just be really mindful of that when you're at the podium and you're speaking

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into the speaker, and if we can't hear you, I might just stop you and say, please raise

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the volume a little bit, or as I would say to my kids, use your inside scream.

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The second thing, as it relates to timing, there's a number of you that are arguing on

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this side of the table, especially, I want to make sure that everyone gets their questions

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answered, and that you have a chance to answer those questions without feeling unduly rushed.

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So we'll use the lights as guide posts, but we won't have strict adherence to them with

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in reason.

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Having said that, we may go over the time, I'm going to be mindful of what time it is

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on the clock, and take breaks, I want to try to mitigate misery in this room as much

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as possible for everyone involved.

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So if I stop you in the middle, I'm going to try to stop anyone in the middle of a point

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or an argument, but it's possible that it might stop you in the middle of your argument

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depending on where we are, I'm just letting you know that ahead of time, just because

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I want to be able to try to keep it pretty close to 90 minutes.

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I think that is all I have preliminarily, so the first case that we have today is Elizabeth

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Bothelld versus the Wisconsin Elections Commission, and may I please have the appearances?

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And I believe you're appearing pro-hoc-viche, yes, okay, welcome to the Wisconsin State

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Bar for the purposes of today's hearing.

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Good morning, and this is what I have for timing, at least according to my sheet, is

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25 minutes, followed by 10, 10, 10, and then back to you for five, all right, oh, we are

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ready when you are.

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Thank you, Your Honors.

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Good morning, Madam Chief Justice, and may it please the court.

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Wisconsin's congressional map was adopted based on the methodology that this court has

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since overruled.

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The map is therefore unlawful.

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The Bothelld plaintiff's separation of powers claim rests on three basic pillars that have

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already been established by this court.

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One, the map was adopted pursuant to a least change mandate.

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This court said so in Johnson 2, where it selected the map because it quote, most complies

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with our least change directive.

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Two, least change is no longer good law.

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This court said so in Clark, where it explained that least change is incompatible with the

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judiciary's institutional obligations of neutrality and independence and expressly overruled

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any portions of Johnson that mandate a least change approach.

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And three, this court has the power to right this wrong.

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It itself rejected virtually identical procedural obstacles and objections that interveners

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advance here and confirmed that this court can and should require a lawful replacement

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for an unlawful court-drawn map going forward.

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Council, I want to take you from Johnson 2 to Johnson 1, okay?

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Are you asking us to overturn Johnson 1?

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I believe this court has already overruled the basis of Johnson 1, the least changed

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map that was the direction from Johnson 1, and it also overturned the map that was drawn

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pursuant to that.

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I think by the logic, because it overturned the logic of the least changed map, we are

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now asking the court to finish that job and actually apply that to the ongoing injunction

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that applies for congressional districts.

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So some of us might think maybe Johnson 1 was only addressed in part.

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Do you want to go on with that argument and tell us why you think it's already been overturned?

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I mean, I think what this court did not mince any words in Clark when it said, we are here

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by overruling any portion of Johnson 1, 2, or 3, that mandates a least change approach.

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So there was nothing ambiguous about what it was doing when it talked about wherever you

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find least change, whether it was mandated in Johnson 1 or adhered to in Johnson 2.

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All of that has been overruled by this court.

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So now the question is where you have just a single least change map left standing.

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There's only one least change map left standing in Wisconsin.

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Are we going with that map?

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Is essentially resting on legal quicksand.

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Let me push on that, Council.

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So that's not what Clark said.

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Clark did not say that least change could not be applied, right?

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Would you agree with that?

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Clark said that least change could be considered as part of traditional districting criteria,

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but it could not be the mandate that overarches or drives the drawing of the map.

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The court said it was overruled to the extent it was mandated as the methodology.

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Did not say that least change was always an impermissible methodology, isn't that right?

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Correct, Your Honor.

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That means that the holding in Johnson 1 is still good, that doesn't disturb that at

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all.

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There's nothing about Clark that overturned the use of least change as methodology.

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Clark just doesn't control that.

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It's true that this court decided it was going to adopt a different remedial program for

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a new map in Clark if it ever got there, which it never did, but it didn't disturb the use

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of it or say that that was somehow illegal.

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That's a different argument you're making here today than was addressed in Clark, wouldn't

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you say?

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I believe that this court actually did explain why least change was not just wrong in principle

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or policy, but wrong as a matter of law.

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So let me talk a little bit about you frame your argument as a purely separation of powers

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argument.

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Would you agree that the United States Constitution gives the power to the legislature to draft

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congressional districts?

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It does.

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It primarily gives that power to the legislative branches and to the political process, but

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the political process failed this decade and has not been able to produce an inactive

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map.

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I understand that, right?

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But your argument is premised on the idea that in order to vindicate the separation

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of powers, the judiciary needs to take for itself the power that has been constitutionally

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given to the legislature, because when we did least change, as you acknowledge, we

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were deferring to the last democratically enacted maps that were put into law, right?

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So they were based on the 2011 maps, which were passed by the legislature, signed by

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the governor.

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They're in the statute books.

20:23.440 --> 20:24.840
In fact, they're still there.

20:24.840 --> 20:26.320
They were still enacted law.

20:26.320 --> 20:30.880
In this court said, we're going to defer to the policy judgments of the legislature.

20:30.880 --> 20:33.840
We're not going to put our own policy judgments there.

20:33.840 --> 20:37.160
Which the United States Constitution says that's the legislature's prerogative to do

20:37.160 --> 20:38.160
that.

20:38.160 --> 20:42.200
And you're saying it's a violation of the separation of powers for this court to not

20:42.200 --> 20:46.320
take that power for itself, but to defer to the legislature?

20:46.320 --> 20:49.840
That is quite a creative argument to me.

20:49.840 --> 20:53.760
In your honor, it's only in creative in the sense that this court has already made that

20:53.760 --> 20:55.320
argument in Clark.

20:55.320 --> 20:58.240
So two points in response to your question, your honor.

20:58.240 --> 21:01.400
One is the court did not take any redistricting power here.

21:01.400 --> 21:07.360
The redistricting power was given, was assigned to this court because the political process

21:07.360 --> 21:08.360
failed.

21:08.360 --> 21:10.560
This court had no choice but to engage in judicial redistricting.

21:10.560 --> 21:18.080
Your argument is that when this court deferred to the decision of the legislature, that it

21:18.080 --> 21:25.640
violated the separation of powers, when the Constitution gives those powers to the legislature

21:25.640 --> 21:27.480
in the first instance.

21:27.480 --> 21:30.840
And your honor, my argument is that Clark has already made that holding.

21:30.880 --> 21:35.480
So when this court, in all of this court's debate about the least changed principle and

21:35.480 --> 21:40.200
the consideration of partisan effects, the conversation has stemmed around, has centered

21:40.200 --> 21:46.600
on what is the judiciary's role in redistricting, vis-a-vis the other political branches.

21:46.600 --> 21:52.120
And in Johnson One, the court specifically invoked separation of powers to justify the

21:52.120 --> 21:57.800
least changed approach and argue that it was necessary to preserve the institutional legitimacy

21:57.800 --> 21:58.960
of the court.

21:59.000 --> 22:04.840
In Justice Dallas, Dallas, dissent in Johnson One, the dissent also argued against least

22:04.840 --> 22:10.800
change, again using the terms of separation of powers, saying that this court cannot start

22:10.800 --> 22:16.400
with the prior maps and maintain judicial neutrality consistent with our role as a nonpartisan

22:16.400 --> 22:17.720
institution.

22:17.720 --> 22:22.560
So when Clark came in and talked about, well, now what is given, what we've now, what the

22:22.560 --> 22:28.840
court ruled in Clark, what is the court's role in redistricting when it is, when the

22:28.880 --> 22:33.320
task falls to it, and Clark made very clear, and if the court will allow, if I can just

22:33.320 --> 22:38.800
quote from paragraph 71 of Clark, it speaks in the terms of separation of powers.

22:38.800 --> 22:44.920
It bears repeating that courts can and should hold themselves to a different standard than

22:44.920 --> 22:49.520
the legislature regarding the partisanship of remedial maps.

22:49.520 --> 22:55.480
As a politically neutral and independent institution, we will take care to avoid selecting remedial

22:55.480 --> 22:59.760
maps designed to advantage one political party over another.

22:59.760 --> 23:07.240
Importantly, however, it is not possible to remain neutral and independent by failing

23:07.240 --> 23:11.440
to consider partisan impact entirely.

23:11.440 --> 23:17.280
By the very terms of Clark that I just read your honor, it was not possible for this court

23:17.280 --> 23:24.120
to abide by the judiciary's twin duties of neutrality and independence by applying least

23:24.120 --> 23:29.960
change and adopting all the partisan effects of the previous map and not considering its

23:29.960 --> 23:31.600
own role in redistricting.

23:31.600 --> 23:35.760
So least change, do you think least change is always problematic?

23:35.760 --> 23:39.880
So for example, let's say you weren't here challenging the congressional maps, but you

23:39.880 --> 23:47.560
were here challenging the legislative districts that have now been recently enacted into law.

23:47.560 --> 23:53.400
So if we applied least change to that, we would defer to the recently enacted maps that were

23:53.400 --> 23:56.080
signed into law.

23:56.080 --> 23:59.320
When passed by the Republican legislature, signed by the Democratic governor, lots of

23:59.320 --> 24:03.520
fighting, obviously this court got in the middle of all that with Clark.

24:03.520 --> 24:09.320
But your argument would, that would be unconstitutional to simply defer to the policy choices of the

24:09.320 --> 24:14.200
legislature and signed by the governor with regard to legislative maps.

24:14.200 --> 24:19.600
Well, our argument is that blind deference is unconstitutional and in contrary to the

24:19.600 --> 24:20.600
principles in Clark.

24:20.760 --> 24:24.760
In the example that your honor mentioned, where there is actually a legislative enactment

24:24.760 --> 24:28.880
to consider and defer to, courts have often held in the redistricting context that you

24:28.880 --> 24:33.640
can defer to the policy choices of the legislature to the extent they don't otherwise violate

24:33.640 --> 24:34.640
the law.

24:34.640 --> 24:39.040
Now here, there was no policy choice of the legislature in effect.

24:39.040 --> 24:43.920
The old map had expired, everybody came into this court and agreed that it was no longer

24:43.920 --> 24:47.960
operative law and the question was, what is there left to defer to?

24:47.960 --> 24:51.720
Well, that's not, the maps don't expire.

24:51.720 --> 24:56.440
It was declared unconstitutional to the extent it was no longer reflecting proportion of

24:56.440 --> 24:59.920
population, which United States mandate is required.

24:59.920 --> 25:03.320
The Wisconsin Constitution says nothing about congressional redistricting.

25:03.320 --> 25:05.560
It's still law, it's still in the books, it didn't go away.

25:05.560 --> 25:10.200
The only thing we were trying to do was remedy a constitutional wrong, which was simply proportional

25:10.200 --> 25:11.280
representation.

25:11.280 --> 25:15.040
The maps, there was no, there's no expiration date on the law.

25:15.040 --> 25:19.960
I mean, as a matter of federal constitutional law, that map could not remain in effect going

25:19.960 --> 25:20.960
forward.

25:20.960 --> 25:24.360
There was a constitutional sunset and every party that came into this court acknowledged

25:24.360 --> 25:25.360
that.

25:25.360 --> 25:30.600
And when this court remedied the mal apportionment violation, our argument is that per the discussion

25:30.600 --> 25:35.360
in Clark and per the holding in Clark, it ended up creating a brand new legal violation

25:35.360 --> 25:41.240
by really veering outside the judicial lane of neutrality and independence by adhering

25:41.240 --> 25:45.640
to a previous legislature's policy views and failing to consider the part as an impact

25:45.640 --> 25:46.640
of its own decision.

25:46.640 --> 25:47.640
So, Council, I'm going to talk.

25:47.640 --> 25:48.640
I was going to-

25:48.640 --> 25:50.640
It's just to take it or instill going?

25:50.640 --> 25:52.640
No, but I was going to-

25:52.640 --> 25:53.640
Okay.

25:53.640 --> 25:54.640
Council, I have a question.

25:54.640 --> 25:59.080
I'm going to pull you back to Johnson One, okay?

25:59.080 --> 26:03.240
And I think that there's clearly a difference of opinion as to whether or not Johnson One

26:03.240 --> 26:05.440
has been overruled.

26:05.440 --> 26:11.040
Let's assume for the sake of this argument right now that it has not.

26:11.040 --> 26:16.840
Are you asking us then to overrule Johnson One regarding partisan gerrymandering?

26:16.840 --> 26:19.280
Yes or no?

26:19.280 --> 26:23.720
So I want to make very clear, Your Honor, that we have two claims before this court.

26:23.720 --> 26:24.720
We know.

26:24.720 --> 26:27.720
So, claimed on is the separation of powers claim, which I think we've been talking about here.

26:27.720 --> 26:33.160
And when I talk about overruling what Clark has overruled in Johnson, it's expressly overruled

26:33.160 --> 26:36.000
the least changed principle in Johnson about how to remedy the-

26:36.000 --> 26:37.600
Let's talk about the partisan gerrymandering claim.

26:37.600 --> 26:41.960
So the question about the partisan gerrymandering claim, which is our alternative claim.

26:41.960 --> 26:46.520
Our argument there is that there was never actually a holding in Johnson One about partisan

26:46.520 --> 26:50.000
gerrymandering saying that it is or is not just dishable.

26:50.000 --> 26:54.480
And that is because there was no partisan gerrymandering claim before Johnson One.

26:54.480 --> 26:59.120
While the court does, I believe in paragraph eight of Johnson One, say that it is not a

26:59.120 --> 27:04.720
cognizable claim, that portion of Johnson One garnered only three votes from this court

27:04.720 --> 27:06.840
and was not a majority opinion.

27:06.840 --> 27:11.680
The only majority opinion from this court on the issue of partisan gerrymandering was

27:11.680 --> 27:16.760
in Clark when the court specifically said that partisan gerrymandering remains an important

27:16.760 --> 27:19.720
and unresolved issue of Wisconsin law.

27:19.720 --> 27:24.680
And it specifically said it was not deciding whether or not such claims were just dishable.

27:24.680 --> 27:28.920
So there is nothing- I don't believe there's anything in Johnson to overturn and to the

27:28.920 --> 27:33.600
extent that there was, Clark has already done it by making the- this court's holding clear.

27:34.000 --> 27:42.800
All right, well, I'm looking at the congressman's brief, specifically pages 42, 43, 44.

27:42.800 --> 27:51.520
When I look at page 43, the second full paragraph, it talks about that it's unsurprising that

27:51.520 --> 27:56.760
nothing in this court's precedent establishes judicially manageable standards to adjudicate

27:56.760 --> 28:00.040
the plaintiffs' partisan gerrymandering claims.

28:00.040 --> 28:03.480
And then some pretty compelling arguments are made.

28:03.480 --> 28:05.280
Can you please respond to those?

28:05.280 --> 28:09.080
So there's kind of two issues when it comes to partisan gerrymandering.

28:09.080 --> 28:11.680
One is has this court already kind of closed the door on it?

28:11.680 --> 28:13.160
Our answer to that is no.

28:13.160 --> 28:14.560
This court's answer to that is no.

28:14.560 --> 28:17.000
And Clark had said it was an unresolved legal issue.

28:17.000 --> 28:21.400
And then the next question is, well, now that it is unresolved, how should we resolve it?

28:21.400 --> 28:25.080
Is it a legally cognizable claim that has judicially manageable standards?

28:25.080 --> 28:27.960
And our answer to that is absolutely yes.

28:27.960 --> 28:32.600
The fact that the Supreme Court, the US Supreme Court, has said that it's not just

28:32.600 --> 28:36.120
a considerable under federal law, does not make, undeclate that it's not just a

28:36.120 --> 28:37.320
considerable under state law.

28:37.320 --> 28:41.480
Ten other state courts have found partisan gerrymandering just a considerable under

28:41.480 --> 28:46.120
constitutional provisions, very similar to the ones that we rely upon here in Wisconsin.

28:46.120 --> 28:50.920
There's no reason why Wisconsin could not adopt that, any one of those models that

28:50.920 --> 28:55.280
the other state courts have adopted, to make sure that it is protecting what is in Wisconsin

28:55.280 --> 29:01.040
a far more robust right to democratic self-governance than is provided in the US Constitution.

29:01.040 --> 29:04.880
Do those other states have the same constitutional language?

29:04.880 --> 29:05.880
Many of them do, Your Honor.

29:05.880 --> 29:10.640
For instance, in states like, sorry, in a case like Pennsylvania and North Carolina,

29:10.640 --> 29:15.720
they had what we called free and equal elections clauses, which are very similar to the provisions

29:15.720 --> 29:18.360
that we cite here, specifically the free government clause.

29:18.360 --> 29:23.120
And in other states, such as New Mexico or Alaska, they rely on their state equal protection

29:23.120 --> 29:24.120
clauses.

29:24.120 --> 29:30.320
And here, in Article 1 of the Wisconsin Constitution, we're looking at Section 1, 3, 4, and 22,

29:30.320 --> 29:34.840
equal protection, free speech, free association, and free government provisions.

29:34.840 --> 29:41.320
All of these provide independent and combined bases to find this fundamental principle

29:41.320 --> 29:43.080
of democratic self-governance.

29:43.080 --> 29:47.080
And all of them provide a basis to say that partisan gerrymandering is antithetical to

29:47.080 --> 29:48.640
those fundamental principles.

29:48.640 --> 29:53.440
So going back to that, then do you conceive of Article 1, Section 1 of the Wisconsin

29:53.440 --> 29:57.520
Constitution as an equal protection provision?

29:57.600 --> 29:58.600
I do, Your Honor.

29:58.600 --> 30:03.360
I think we've been viewing the idea that the citizens are entitled to equal treatment

30:03.360 --> 30:07.560
under the law and cannot be arbitrarily treated based on their viewpoint, based on their

30:07.560 --> 30:12.720
residence, and that's how we are envisioning this claim as well, in addition to the free.

30:12.720 --> 30:15.800
Do we then need to consider tiers of scrutiny?

30:15.800 --> 30:20.800
I believe under this courts, so look, there are many ways that this court can, yes, so

30:20.800 --> 30:24.520
if this court is going to conceive of this solely as an equal protection violation, then

30:24.560 --> 30:27.480
you're going to have to think about what are the appropriate tiers of scrutiny.

30:27.480 --> 30:31.200
But then again, but here again, there are many models for how to do this.

30:31.200 --> 30:35.720
Justice Kagan's dissent in Rucho, which was then the same model was followed in states

30:35.720 --> 30:40.760
like New Mexico and Alaska, where she basically provides a fundamental equal protection analysis.

30:40.760 --> 30:46.440
Let's look at predominance when it comes to partisan vote dilution, the predominant

30:46.440 --> 30:52.360
purpose, was that in fact the effect of the map, and is there any legislative justification

30:52.400 --> 30:57.640
outside of sheer partisan dominance that would justify the configuration of these districts?

30:57.640 --> 31:00.560
Is that the test that you're asking us to adopt?

31:00.560 --> 31:05.720
So we are not pressing one specific test, we believe that this court has at its disposal,

31:05.720 --> 31:08.320
the opportunity to look at any different, any model that it wants.

31:08.320 --> 31:12.360
We have specifically pointed to the model from Pennsylvania, which is more of a traditional

31:12.360 --> 31:17.880
subordination test and effects based test, but that is not the only way to map onto this

31:17.880 --> 31:21.800
claim, you can do it based on the one that's in New Mexico, based on the one that's in

31:21.800 --> 31:22.800
Justice Kagan's dissent.

31:22.800 --> 31:26.640
What are you recommending that we do?

31:26.640 --> 31:30.760
What we have recommended in our papers is the test that's provided in Pennsylvania.

31:30.760 --> 31:36.400
We think that's the most clear, it's a traditional subordination test, the extent to which traditional

31:36.400 --> 31:40.960
districting principles have been subordinated to partisan advantage and partisan gain.

31:40.960 --> 31:45.600
And the court has many in Pennsylvania, outlines a number of tools that courts can use as

31:45.600 --> 31:49.840
both direct and circumstantial evidence to decide whether or not, essentially, the way

31:50.000 --> 31:55.720
the map is drawn, stacks the deck in favor of one party or another to an extreme degree,

31:55.720 --> 31:59.880
such that the decision is essentially made before a single ballot has been cast.

31:59.880 --> 32:08.480
So if I'm understanding that method, are you only looking at a single map, or are as opposed

32:08.480 --> 32:13.920
to if I think about Justice Kagan's dissent in Rucho, where she's talking about looking

32:13.920 --> 32:18.080
at, I think she uses an example of a thousand maps and looking at where they are on the

32:18.080 --> 32:19.080
curve.

32:19.080 --> 32:24.400
I'm not quite understanding if you adopt the punch of, if you're asking us to adopt the

32:24.400 --> 32:27.360
Pennsylvania model, if we adopt that model, what does that look like exactly?

32:27.360 --> 32:32.320
Are we just looking at the one map that is in front of us, or is it, are we comparing

32:32.320 --> 32:33.560
it to other maps?

32:33.560 --> 32:34.560
So absolutely, your honor.

32:34.560 --> 32:37.680
So what, obviously, there's only one map in front of the court when it comes to what

32:37.680 --> 32:43.160
we are ch- how we can prove that, how somebody can prove a partisan gerrymandering claim.

32:43.160 --> 32:45.640
There are many different evidentiary ways to do that.

32:45.640 --> 32:51.000
One of those that's typically used in partisan gerrymandering claims is this, the simulations

32:51.000 --> 32:52.000
approach, right?

32:52.000 --> 32:57.040
The, using multiple maps to show, would this ever have occurred based on the political,

32:57.040 --> 33:01.960
natural political geography of the state, or was there some undue partisan intent that

33:01.960 --> 33:05.640
really was skewing the map, well, I understand that, but if I understand the Pennsylvania

33:05.640 --> 33:10.880
model, you're looking at the map that is created, and you're saying, has it been, has the,

33:11.840 --> 33:15.920
if you're rank ordering, why you, why you created the map you did, is it subordinate

33:15.920 --> 33:18.640
to the constitutional requirements, or is it not?

33:18.640 --> 33:23.280
I'm asking, are you just looking at that one map, and at those requirements as it relates

33:23.280 --> 33:24.280
to that one map?

33:24.280 --> 33:27.800
I understand that you can look at a thousand maps, I understand you can look, we could

33:27.800 --> 33:33.680
look at more than that, right, easily, today, but, but I'm not, I just want to make sure

33:33.680 --> 33:38.640
I understand how you envision that process, how that process, if we adopted it, would

33:38.640 --> 33:41.920
work in the trial court in this case.

33:41.920 --> 33:45.240
So I think the way it would work following the Pennsylvania model, which, by the way,

33:45.240 --> 33:48.960
is spelled out really chapter and verse in that, in that opinion, is that the court would

33:48.960 --> 33:55.200
essentially look at the traditional districting criteria, the, the objective, political geography

33:55.200 --> 34:01.360
of the state, and ask, to what extent do the district lines veer from the traditional

34:01.360 --> 34:06.040
districting, just subordinate those, those traditional districting principles in service

34:06.040 --> 34:07.760
of some partisan advantage?

34:07.760 --> 34:12.040
And the way you answer that question is by looking at evidence from computer simulation

34:12.040 --> 34:16.680
maps, looking at statistics like the efficiency gap that shows wasted votes.

34:16.680 --> 34:20.880
There are a number of models at the Supreme Court in Pennsylvania recognized that are

34:20.880 --> 34:24.600
able to provide that evidence, so we know what we're looking for when we're looking

34:24.600 --> 34:25.600
at this one map.

34:25.600 --> 34:33.320
Why are you advocating for that instead of the intent, effects, and causation test that

34:33.320 --> 34:36.760
Justice Kagan talked about in her Rucho descent?

34:36.760 --> 34:41.520
So Your Honor, I don't want to overstate our advocacy for one model over another.

34:41.520 --> 34:46.600
At this point, our number one, well, our number one argument is that this court can strike

34:46.600 --> 34:51.440
down this map as a matter of law based on the law it's already drafted in Clark.

34:51.440 --> 34:55.440
But if the court decides to go down the partisan gerrymandering route, our argument there

34:55.440 --> 34:59.760
is that that is actually, that is not, that is a traditional route that many states have

34:59.760 --> 35:00.760
followed.

35:00.760 --> 35:04.280
And this court can choose whatever it deems to be the best test that it sounds fit.

35:04.280 --> 35:08.120
So I've suggested the Pennsylvania one, I believe that the way that model has worked

35:08.120 --> 35:09.880
out is very clear.

35:09.880 --> 35:13.800
But the one that is provided by Justice Kagan's descent and has been used in states like New

35:13.800 --> 35:19.160
Mexico is equally justishable, it is standard that is easily comprehended by courts and

35:19.160 --> 35:20.920
applied by courts at all levels.

35:20.920 --> 35:29.400
Yeah, I don't want to overstate the importance to us of figuring out which path we should

35:29.400 --> 35:32.160
take in order to get this right.

35:32.160 --> 35:38.720
So, Council, can I pull you, are you, I'm sorry, are you?

35:38.720 --> 35:39.720
I was just musing.

35:39.720 --> 35:44.840
You were just musing, okay, that's what we do periodically, you'll notice.

35:44.840 --> 35:51.520
I would like to get back to the concept of justishability, say that 20 times fast.

35:51.520 --> 35:56.440
And look at our constitution, what our constitution says.

35:56.440 --> 36:03.280
When you look at Article 1, Section 1, that people are sovereign, that government has

36:03.280 --> 36:09.600
no power except through the consent of the governed.

36:09.600 --> 36:17.960
And we are interested as a state court in looking at these maps as whether they present

36:17.960 --> 36:25.560
a constitutional harm to these principles of self-representation, of sovereignty of the

36:25.560 --> 36:30.880
people of the state of Wisconsin, which is some through lines throughout our constitution,

36:30.880 --> 36:37.720
some beautiful constitution with very rich words and it makes very clear that the people

36:37.720 --> 36:41.920
have the power, not the politicians, it is the people.

36:41.920 --> 36:49.240
So when we're looking at justishability, why we are so focused on what test do we apply,

36:49.240 --> 36:54.520
assuming it's cognizable, right, assuming this claim, and you're saying it is because

36:54.520 --> 36:59.520
of these provisions in our state constitution, so we have equal protection.

36:59.520 --> 37:01.600
We have inherent rights.

37:01.600 --> 37:08.800
We have free speech, the right to assembly, this court has a role in remedying wrongs.

37:08.800 --> 37:11.640
So what else are we looking at in terms of a test?

37:11.640 --> 37:16.500
So we have, you've identified, there's these different tests out there, 10 states have

37:16.500 --> 37:19.000
adopted some form of these tests.

37:19.000 --> 37:23.500
We certainly want to make sure the test is manageable.

37:23.500 --> 37:30.060
We want to make sure it's neutral, but what other guidance do you suggest this court

37:30.060 --> 37:37.140
looked you when we are measuring whether this map presents a constitutional harm?

37:37.140 --> 37:41.620
I believe your honor, and I appreciate exactly what you said, I agree that the Wisconsin

37:41.620 --> 37:46.740
constitution makes no mistake that democratic self-governance is the very foundation.

37:46.740 --> 37:52.740
And so there is a wrong under with the Wisconsin constitution that requires a remedy if the

37:52.740 --> 37:55.860
court decides to go down the part, it's a gerrymandering approach.

37:55.860 --> 38:00.740
When it comes to what the test can be, like I said, we have advocated for the Pennsylvania

38:00.740 --> 38:05.660
approach, which we believe is actually the most straightforward and easily easy to administer,

38:05.660 --> 38:09.900
but I'm not trying to dissuade the court from what I think is also a straightforward and

38:09.900 --> 38:10.900
easy to administer.

38:10.900 --> 38:15.260
Well, let me ask you about that, because if you look at New Mexico, which I would say

38:15.260 --> 38:23.380
has some very similar provisions on the sovereignty of the people on the government having to

38:23.380 --> 38:30.260
have the consent of the governed, they also apply a causation piece.

38:30.260 --> 38:37.260
And that is because we recognize, I don't think anybody on this panel would say, nobody

38:37.260 --> 38:44.660
would dispute, the state has an important constitutional role in redistricting.

38:44.660 --> 38:50.740
And so, isn't it, shouldn't it, wouldn't it be prudent of us to not just apply intent

38:50.740 --> 38:56.020
effects, but then to give the state the opportunity to present, if there is a legitimate interest

38:56.020 --> 39:00.980
that perhaps we're not thinking of, because that recognizes that the state does have important

39:00.980 --> 39:02.820
role in redistricting.

39:02.820 --> 39:06.320
I agree with that, Your Honor, and I think this Court's equal protection jurisprudence

39:06.320 --> 39:09.980
makes clear that the question would then be posed to the state, is there a legitimate

39:09.980 --> 39:14.180
interest that justifies this deviation?

39:14.180 --> 39:18.580
And I think actually under either test that this Court adopts, the state would be given

39:18.580 --> 39:24.260
that opportunity to prove that no, no, what you're seeing from the data and from the evidence

39:24.260 --> 39:29.340
is not the result of partisan gamesmanship, but is actually the result of some other legitimate

39:29.340 --> 39:30.340
criteria.

39:30.340 --> 39:32.140
I believe that the state would have that ability.

39:32.140 --> 39:37.060
I don't think that the, I think either of these tests are difficult for plaintiffs to

39:37.100 --> 39:42.980
prove intentionally difficult, but I think ultimately manageable for the Court to decide

39:42.980 --> 39:47.340
to make sure that it's not just striking down maps willy-nilly, but is actually applying

39:47.340 --> 39:49.940
chapter and verse exactly what the rules are.

39:49.940 --> 39:57.420
I have just one more question on this issue, and that is, do we not use in judging this,

39:57.420 --> 40:02.580
just disability, do we not use the same data that the map makers used?

40:03.060 --> 40:05.420
I mean, is that why it's quantifiable?

40:05.420 --> 40:11.860
Because map makers are able to distill down to the household and predict what is, what

40:11.860 --> 40:17.380
is the, we don't have party registration here, but what is the likely affiliation here?

40:17.380 --> 40:23.980
And so does it make it quantifiable in this context because we have the data now that

40:23.980 --> 40:29.700
we didn't have, our founders didn't have, even our grandfathers, did not have the data

40:29.700 --> 40:32.100
that we have now to make these determinations?

40:32.140 --> 40:36.700
I think certainly the tools that are available to courts to be able to discern what has happened.

40:36.700 --> 40:40.300
And these tools that are available to map drawers to discern, to figure out how to

40:40.300 --> 40:44.700
greet the effects that they want are far more sophisticated, which is all the, all the more

40:44.700 --> 40:50.780
reason why this Court said in Clark that this Court cannot afford to blind itself to those

40:50.780 --> 40:55.020
very true realities that lawmakers are aware of when they are drawing maps.

40:55.020 --> 40:59.900
When a court is drawing maps, it too needs to deal with the entire political demographic

40:59.940 --> 41:04.220
factual, census-based reality to make sure that it's drawing maps that are fair and

41:04.220 --> 41:05.620
constitutional for Wisconsin voters.

41:05.620 --> 41:08.860
So you can tell we're trying to pull you across the line here because these cases are

41:08.860 --> 41:11.020
complicated, right?

41:11.020 --> 41:16.260
And if we find them to be just dishable, we need to be advising the three judges.

41:16.260 --> 41:17.420
That should be.

41:17.420 --> 41:21.980
So can you clearly tell us why you think the Pennsylvania test is straightforward?

41:21.980 --> 41:25.740
We believe the Pennsylvania straight is test is straightforward because it looks, it does

41:25.780 --> 41:30.900
not delve into the hearts and minds of the map drawers and deciding which map drawers

41:30.900 --> 41:32.060
are most at issue.

41:32.060 --> 41:36.660
It looks at the actual effects of the map itself to decide whether the maps abordinates

41:36.660 --> 41:40.980
traditional constitutional principles to partisan advantage.

41:40.980 --> 41:42.460
Can it be explained?

41:42.460 --> 41:45.980
Can the deviations from traditional principles be explained by anything other than sheer

41:45.980 --> 41:48.740
partisan gamesmanship?

41:48.740 --> 41:53.580
So looking, I think, at the effects test that the Pennsylvania Court emphasizes is perhaps

41:53.580 --> 41:58.860
the, I would say, you know, the most straightforward way of determining this.

41:58.860 --> 42:02.940
But again, I don't think that the Court needs to shy away from looking at intent.

42:02.940 --> 42:05.180
This is the kind of stuff that courts do all the time.

42:05.180 --> 42:08.260
If it wanted to, probably, a more intent or causation-based approach.

42:08.260 --> 42:09.260
Okay.

42:09.260 --> 42:13.260
I want to take you through some procedural things here.

42:13.260 --> 42:17.620
So let's say we were to find your claims just dishable.

42:17.620 --> 42:21.020
I just want to go through kind of what that looks like.

42:21.020 --> 42:25.500
How do you get from there to a new map?

42:25.500 --> 42:26.500
Thank you, Your Honor.

42:26.500 --> 42:31.660
So I'm just going to reiterate that, you know, so option number one is to strike down the

42:31.660 --> 42:35.660
map as a matter of law, because it's already been struck down as a matter of principle.

42:35.660 --> 42:37.300
Let's go to option number two.

42:37.300 --> 42:42.460
Option number two is to decide that Wisconsin's Constitution bars partisan gerrymandering

42:42.460 --> 42:45.820
and develop a stand and announce a standard that says, this is.

42:45.820 --> 42:48.620
And I'm going to qualify you, not just bars partisan gerrymandering.

42:48.620 --> 42:51.380
Isn't there some extreme partisan gerrymandering?

42:51.380 --> 42:53.020
Isn't that what we're really talking about?

42:53.020 --> 42:59.940
I mean, you set it already that it's basically taking away, it's making a decision before

42:59.940 --> 43:02.660
the election has even begun for the people in the district.

43:02.660 --> 43:03.660
Exactly, Your Honor.

43:03.660 --> 43:06.380
I'm using the word part of the gerrymandering as a shorthand for what courts have often

43:06.380 --> 43:11.620
referred to as an extreme partisan gerrymander that is essentially an outlier and not explainable

43:11.620 --> 43:13.060
by any other criteria.

43:13.060 --> 43:14.060
Okay.

43:14.060 --> 43:15.860
So we find that and then what?

43:15.860 --> 43:20.260
And I think that this court has already discussed, I think it adopts the model that

43:20.260 --> 43:24.340
it deems to be most fit for determining what is a partisan gerrymander.

43:24.340 --> 43:28.380
And then I think it would need to remand back to the panel for a fact-finding, because

43:28.380 --> 43:33.340
as this court has already emphasized in Clark, that it is a very fact-intensive question.

43:33.340 --> 43:39.420
And in your view, the circuit court then has the ability to grant a clearatory judgment

43:39.420 --> 43:43.820
as to whether or not these maps actually meet the tests that we set forth.

43:43.820 --> 43:44.820
Absolutely, Your Honor.

43:44.820 --> 43:48.500
And of course, this court can make very clear what the authority is of the circuit court.

43:48.500 --> 43:51.940
But the whole design of this three-judge panel was essentially to be able to do this

43:51.940 --> 43:56.180
kind of work to sit and adjudicate facts that are about redistricting maps and make

43:56.180 --> 43:58.860
the proper judgments for Wisconsin voters going forward.

43:58.860 --> 43:59.860
Okay.

43:59.860 --> 44:00.860
And then what?

44:00.860 --> 44:06.820
Let's say the circuit court says these maps are an extreme partisan gerrymander according

44:06.820 --> 44:09.100
to the tests set forth, then what?

44:09.100 --> 44:12.980
Then I think there's a remedial process and that's not dissimilar to the remedial process

44:12.980 --> 44:14.740
that this court has already laid out.

44:14.740 --> 44:17.900
So you foresee us doing that remedial process?

44:17.900 --> 44:21.140
I think the district, I think the panel could do that remedial process as well.

44:21.140 --> 44:24.420
I think there's a little bit of a question depending on how the appeals work.

44:24.420 --> 44:27.980
There might be an appeal of the liability order before it gets to a remedy.

44:27.980 --> 44:32.900
But ideally, we would say that any of this should have, all of this is judicial, just

44:32.900 --> 44:36.820
dishable within the panel and can all be reviewed by this court on appeal after that.

44:36.820 --> 44:42.780
Even though that's our order, aren't we the ones that would need to overturn our injunction

44:42.780 --> 44:47.100
and or order that discussed the previous maps?

44:47.100 --> 44:50.980
I think I don't think that's exclusively the case, Your Honor, certainly on instruction

44:50.980 --> 44:52.180
from this court.

44:52.180 --> 44:56.140
The panel could have the authority to revisit that injunction.

44:56.140 --> 45:00.700
And ultimately, our argument on both separation of powers and partisan gerrymandering is that

45:00.700 --> 45:06.940
the panel had the sitting today, the panel had the job to look at this court's most recent

45:06.940 --> 45:07.940
precedent.

45:07.940 --> 45:10.900
In our first separation powers argument, that most recent precedent is Clark.

45:10.900 --> 45:12.300
They had to apply Clark.

45:12.300 --> 45:15.980
If this court were to decide that partisan gerrymandering is dishable, that would be

45:15.980 --> 45:17.580
this most recent precedent.

45:17.580 --> 45:21.300
So whether it's applying it to a map that was adopted by the legislature or adopted by

45:21.300 --> 45:26.060
the court, the lower court's job is to apply this court's binding precedent.

45:26.060 --> 45:31.100
And before we would adopt any map, the legislature would get a chance to also draw a map.

45:31.100 --> 45:35.180
It is their purview unless they cannot do it or unless there's an unconstitutional violation

45:35.180 --> 45:36.860
with their map, correct?

45:36.860 --> 45:37.860
Absolutely, Your Honor.

45:37.860 --> 45:38.860
And I want to make very clear.

45:38.860 --> 45:39.860
There's nothing.

45:39.860 --> 45:46.140
There has been nothing preventing the legislative process from enacting a map since 2020, since

45:46.140 --> 45:47.140
2021.

45:47.140 --> 45:51.620
The legislature can and should adopt a map if it feels like it, that that's something

45:51.620 --> 45:53.980
it has the political capability to do.

45:53.980 --> 45:56.300
And nothing of this court is tying this hands.

45:56.300 --> 46:01.420
In Johnson, the court specifically said that this map shall remain in place until the legislature

46:01.420 --> 46:05.380
adopts a new map or a court holds otherwise.

46:05.380 --> 46:08.820
Until number one happens, we are asking this court to hold otherwise.

46:08.900 --> 46:13.980
Just a quick question to kind of add the facts to your arguments.

46:13.980 --> 46:20.180
The map that is in place is a map that Governor Ebers proposed, right?

46:20.180 --> 46:24.900
The map that is in place is a map that was, the Governor Evers proposed pursuant to the

46:24.900 --> 46:27.380
least changed mandate that was in Johnson 1.

46:27.380 --> 46:33.220
So all of the participants in the Johnson litigation were limited to a single map and

46:33.220 --> 46:36.860
it was, they were told in advance that it would be judged based on that single criterion.

46:36.860 --> 46:44.300
So what about Governor Evers' map is an extreme partisan gerrymander?

46:44.300 --> 46:50.060
So your Honor, Governor Evers' map is essentially following the dictates of this court.

46:50.060 --> 46:56.660
It is the least changed map that is 95% identical to the 2011 map that this court cemented in

46:56.660 --> 46:59.060
place pursuant to that least changed mandate.

46:59.060 --> 47:04.580
So by calling it Governor Evers' map, your partisan gerrymander?

47:04.580 --> 47:09.780
Our position is that the 2011 map was a gerrymander and it was calcified in place pursuant

47:09.780 --> 47:11.780
to this court's least changed mandate.

47:11.780 --> 47:13.820
Then that's a different question.

47:13.820 --> 47:17.940
That 2011 is almost 15 years ago, right?

47:17.940 --> 47:19.460
So why now?

47:19.460 --> 47:22.260
Why isn't this barred by latches?

47:22.260 --> 47:26.660
Your Honor, for the partisan gerrymandering claim is not barred by latches because it's

47:26.660 --> 47:28.940
seeking only prospective relief.

47:28.940 --> 47:36.100
The idea that the state of Wisconsin is prohibited from righting or wrong just because that

47:36.100 --> 47:40.900
wrong has existed for a number of years is antithetical to the entire latches doctrine.

47:40.900 --> 47:44.260
By that same logic, you know, Brown v. Board of Ed would have been latched out because

47:44.260 --> 47:47.260
it was already sitting in decades' worth of segregation.

47:47.260 --> 47:48.260
The different issue.

47:48.260 --> 47:56.100
But has Wisconsin ever had a map that meets the criteria that you outlined today?

47:56.100 --> 48:01.340
Even that partisan bodies have drawn the maps under the Constitution.

48:01.340 --> 48:05.580
Since the Constitution, that provision's been in existence.

48:05.580 --> 48:08.060
Has Wisconsin ever had a partisan gerrymandered map?

48:08.060 --> 48:11.620
Have we ever had a map that's good under your criteria?

48:11.620 --> 48:15.420
Your Honor, I've not evaluated every map, congressional map that's been adopted.

48:15.420 --> 48:20.300
I know many maps have been adopted by courts not pursuant to at least change criteria.

48:20.300 --> 48:21.300
As we saw, I'm Jensen.

48:21.300 --> 48:25.180
We've seen in Prosser that the reports have said we actually do need to look at the partisan

48:25.180 --> 48:29.420
effects of our map to make sure that we are applying traditional districting principles.

48:29.420 --> 48:32.780
So I have no reason to believe that any of those maps would be unlawful.

48:32.780 --> 48:36.900
We are only talking about the one map we have in place today, which was built pursuant

48:36.900 --> 48:40.260
to a least change principle that has since been debunked.

48:40.260 --> 48:48.060
Council, whose intent are we looking at if we were to apply a test that had an intent

48:48.060 --> 48:49.660
element to it?

48:49.660 --> 48:50.660
Yeah.

48:50.660 --> 48:54.300
It's a little tricky in this one, Your Honors, as normally you look at the map drawers intent.

48:54.300 --> 48:58.380
And here, when it comes to the most recent intent, that intent from this court was laid

48:58.380 --> 48:59.380
bare.

48:59.380 --> 49:06.180
The intent was to adopt the intent, the effects, and everything as possible from the 2011 map.

49:06.180 --> 49:11.660
So the court can look at the judicial record to know that the intent was to adopt the intent

49:11.660 --> 49:16.020
of 2011, and we even have a judicial record on the 2011 maps as well.

49:16.020 --> 49:19.580
So in the baldest case, for instance, there is evidence and there is argument about what

49:19.580 --> 49:21.260
exactly was that intent.

49:21.260 --> 49:22.620
You want to tell us that?

49:22.780 --> 49:23.780
Go ahead, Jessica.

49:23.780 --> 49:24.780
Thank you.

49:24.780 --> 49:29.540
I'd like to return to the question of remedy because it sounded to me like you were saying

49:29.540 --> 49:37.540
a few minutes ago that we could somehow deputize that three-judge panel to overturn an order

49:37.540 --> 49:40.260
by this court.

49:40.260 --> 49:49.540
And that seems premature to me at a minimum until there is a factual record showing a

49:49.580 --> 49:51.260
partisan gerrymandering.

49:51.260 --> 49:59.020
It seems to me premature for this court to do anything of that nature and also quite unprecedented.

49:59.020 --> 50:02.780
The respondents make some of those arguments in their briefs.

50:02.780 --> 50:09.780
So can you walk me through how it is you believe the circuit court versus this court could

50:09.780 --> 50:13.460
adopt a remedy of a different map than is currently in place?

50:13.460 --> 50:19.260
So I believe that the circuit court has the obligation to abide by this court's precedent.

50:19.260 --> 50:20.260
So when it comes to our separation-

50:20.260 --> 50:23.340
Not just precedent, but it is a judgment.

50:23.340 --> 50:24.340
And this court-

50:24.340 --> 50:25.340
It is.

50:25.340 --> 50:30.420
And in Johnson too, this court said that the map would stay in place until legislative

50:30.420 --> 50:33.180
enactment or a court says otherwise.

50:33.180 --> 50:36.860
Wisconsin has since adopted an entire judicial process through this three-judge panel that

50:36.860 --> 50:42.140
is essentially intended to adjudicate these kinds of redistricting challenges.

50:42.140 --> 50:48.580
If for instance we were here in 2032 and there was a three-judge panel case that was designed

50:48.580 --> 50:54.540
by Wisconsin law to handle redistricting matters, I don't think we would say, well

50:54.540 --> 51:03.060
that three-judge court has no power to enjoin the now old 2022 map in light of new law.

51:03.060 --> 51:08.980
Of course, whatever the court's authority is, it is to apply the governing law from

51:08.980 --> 51:11.820
this court to the judgment before it.

51:11.820 --> 51:17.420
So I do think that the lower court always has the, not just the authority, but the obligation

51:17.420 --> 51:20.740
to follow this court's precedent, which makes this an easy answer when it comes to

51:20.740 --> 51:26.020
the separation of powers claim, in the partisan gerrymandering context, if this court's precedent

51:26.020 --> 51:31.900
who tells the district, tells the circuit court that partisan gerrymandering is unlawful

51:31.900 --> 51:37.540
and it needs to be adjudicated to make sure, to determine whether or not this challenged

51:37.540 --> 51:41.580
map fails under that standard, then I think the court just needs to follow, the lower

51:41.580 --> 51:44.260
court would just need to follow this court's precedent in order to do that.

51:44.260 --> 51:45.260
I don't think it would be acting beyond-

51:45.980 --> 51:52.220
So in other words, that language in, I think it's in Johnson 2, that says until a court

51:52.220 --> 52:01.300
says otherwise, something to that effect, you believe you interpret that language as allowing

52:01.300 --> 52:08.220
a lower court, a three-judge panel in the circuit court, to, based on a finding of a

52:08.300 --> 52:14.340
constitutional violation, set those maps aside and adopt new maps.

52:14.340 --> 52:20.860
By some process that we'll probably ask you further about, but, so that's where you find

52:20.860 --> 52:28.660
that authority is in that language in Johnson 2, saying that until a court otherwise decides.

52:28.660 --> 52:31.580
I think that language in Johnson 2 recognizes the authority.

52:31.580 --> 52:34.300
I don't think that's the solely the source of the authority.

52:34.300 --> 52:37.740
The source of the authority is from a long line of precedent starting with Cook v Cook,

52:37.740 --> 52:43.420
which basically says that the lower court has an obligation to apply the most recent

52:43.420 --> 52:45.180
binding precedent of this court.

52:45.180 --> 52:49.900
If the most recent binding precedent of this court is that our own injunctions can be

52:49.900 --> 52:54.180
reviewed according to a partisan gerrymandering standard, then the lower court has an obligation

52:54.180 --> 52:56.300
to abide by that rule and adjudicate under that rule.

52:56.300 --> 52:58.940
So that's something you're asking us to hold.

52:58.940 --> 53:02.380
In the alternative to our initial claim, your honor, which is that we are asking you to

53:02.380 --> 53:06.940
hold that this map already violates Wisconsin law as articulated in Clark, so that the

53:06.940 --> 53:10.580
lower court does not need to go back and make any liability determinations.

53:10.580 --> 53:13.220
This court has the ability to enjoin it on its own.

53:13.220 --> 53:18.300
No, but I think Justice Crawford is asking you a very specific question about the holding

53:18.300 --> 53:21.420
and you just use language about the injunction.

53:21.420 --> 53:26.220
Are you asking that to be part of our holding to be that specific?

53:26.220 --> 53:30.380
Are you just set aside the separation of powers argument?

53:30.380 --> 53:34.580
If you're talking about an extreme partisan gerrymandering, that's your argument and

53:34.620 --> 53:39.660
that violates the Wisconsin Constitution, and if we agree with you and if that is our

53:39.660 --> 53:46.100
holding, is that enough or do we need to say more about the injunction that is in place

53:46.100 --> 53:47.940
in this case?

53:47.940 --> 53:53.540
Because the or a court otherwise directs, are you saying that's us directing it here

53:53.540 --> 53:58.380
or which court is otherwise directing or is it the three judge panel?

53:58.380 --> 54:01.740
I think it could be either your honor and specifically if this court were to determine

54:02.740 --> 54:07.620
that part is in extreme partisan gerrymandering is cognizable under Wisconsin law, it could

54:07.620 --> 54:13.620
then it remand to the lower court with instructions to evaluate this map, this injunction from

54:13.620 --> 54:16.380
this court, under those principles.

54:16.380 --> 54:19.500
And with that instruction, the court would have no other choice but to do that.

54:19.500 --> 54:24.700
Okay, so what is a little narrow as it relates to this case, I understand what you're saying.

54:24.700 --> 54:31.700
But what about Governor Evers map is, what about Governor Evers map is an extreme?

54:31.740 --> 54:32.740
Partisan gerrymandering.

54:32.740 --> 54:36.620
I want to be careful your honor about calling it Governor Evers map.

54:36.620 --> 54:41.580
Governor Evers and actually advocated for a people's commission process that produced

54:41.580 --> 54:42.580
a different map.

54:42.580 --> 54:47.260
The court accepted the map that he submitted, so you can call it what you would like, today

54:47.260 --> 54:50.460
I'm calling it Governor Evers map that the court adopted.

54:50.460 --> 54:52.380
So let's start with that.

54:52.380 --> 54:57.900
What about that map requires this court to act because it is an extreme partisan gerry

54:57.900 --> 54:58.900
matter?

54:58.900 --> 55:05.660
This map calcifies 95% in place the 2011 map that we believe is an extreme partisan gerry

55:05.660 --> 55:06.660
mander.

55:06.660 --> 55:10.580
Of course, on the posture that we have before this motion to dismiss, we don't have the

55:10.580 --> 55:16.580
fact finding to be able to say this is the exact demonstrable evidence of that.

55:16.580 --> 55:22.460
But in our complaint, we allege that that map that is from 2011 and then we cemented in

55:22.460 --> 55:28.460
place from this court in Johnson to order is one of the most partisan skewed map in the

55:28.460 --> 55:31.140
country under a variety of objective metrics.

55:31.140 --> 55:37.820
So Council, it seems to me that your separation of powers argument is putting the cart before

55:37.820 --> 55:40.700
the horse a bit.

55:40.700 --> 55:46.540
It seems to be premised on an assumption that the maps that were adopted by this court were

55:46.540 --> 55:49.500
in fact an extreme partisan gerry mander.

55:49.500 --> 55:55.100
Doesn't that have to be proven first before that hurdle presents itself?

55:55.100 --> 55:56.100
Not at all your honor.

55:56.100 --> 55:57.820
And so tell, walk me through that.

55:57.900 --> 56:03.380
So the separation of powers claim does not at all rest on whether or not the previous

56:03.380 --> 56:09.580
map was right or wrong or an extreme partisan gerry mander or anything else.

56:09.580 --> 56:16.180
The separation of powers claim, which I think is outlined, I think in 70 and 71 of the court

56:16.180 --> 56:21.740
explains when the judiciary is charged with redistricting.

56:21.740 --> 56:25.180
It needs to engage in a certain process.

56:25.180 --> 56:31.320
And that process cannot include blind deference to a previous map.

56:31.320 --> 56:37.580
It has to include consideration of the partisan effects of its map because the court is taking

56:37.580 --> 56:40.380
ownership of its role in redistricting.

56:40.380 --> 56:46.340
So this idea that the court can just kind of close its eyes and hold its nose and do

56:46.340 --> 56:47.940
whatever the legislature did previously.

56:47.940 --> 56:52.220
Let me just interrupt a moment because it seems to me that what the court was considering

56:52.220 --> 57:01.460
there was a more prophylactic concern of avoiding a constitutional violation and not saying

57:01.460 --> 57:04.700
there was a constitutional violation.

57:04.700 --> 57:07.060
Am I incorrect in viewing it that way?

57:07.060 --> 57:11.860
I mean, I think that the concern that this court expressed in Clark about least change

57:11.860 --> 57:15.300
sounded in principles of separation of powers.

57:15.380 --> 57:23.260
Like I said, specifically the court said, it is not possible to remain neutral and independent

57:23.260 --> 57:26.420
by failing to consider partisan impact entirely.

57:26.420 --> 57:32.060
And by definition, that means that it was not possible for this court to remain neutral

57:32.060 --> 57:37.460
independent as it was its responsibility, whether the separation of powers, when it used that

57:37.460 --> 57:38.940
approach in Johnson.

57:38.940 --> 57:43.980
So I think it's prophylactic in the sense that, yes, it's what should be done.

57:43.980 --> 57:49.400
And it maps on to what is our claim for prospective relief going forward.

57:49.400 --> 57:54.420
If it is not possible for the court to abide by its twin obligations of neutrality and

57:54.420 --> 57:59.460
independence by adopting a least change that doesn't look at partisan impact, that means

57:59.460 --> 58:00.740
it was not possible.

58:00.740 --> 58:05.580
And we are all living under that map going forward for 2026 and 2028 and 2030.

58:05.580 --> 58:13.740
I'm going to follow up on a couple of questions that Justice Dalit asked you.

58:13.740 --> 58:22.740
If you walked you through and you laid out three steps essentially, I guess maybe, yeah,

58:22.740 --> 58:29.220
starting with if we found the map, if we ruled that an unconstitutional extreme gerrymanders

58:29.220 --> 58:35.540
just dishable, we would adopt a map for what that means, excuse me, we would adopt a test,

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a model of maps on the brain.

58:37.460 --> 58:44.980
We would adopt a model for what that meant exactly, we would remand it for fact finding.

58:44.980 --> 58:48.020
And then the fact finders would do what they would do and then we talked a little bit about

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remedy, which could be the fourth thing.

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We have two cases in front of us.

58:58.500 --> 59:09.500
Your friends are very patiently sitting in the front row behind you.

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What should we do about that?

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What if we also find that there is an anti-competitive claim that that also violates the Wisconsin

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Constitution?

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We have three, we have two, three judge panels.

59:29.780 --> 59:39.340
I assume that they are also going to come up here and say if you find that this is dishable,

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you adopt a model, I don't want to take any of your argument away, you'll come up and

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then do this, you'll remand it back for fact finding.

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Are we going to have two different panels, six different judges having these hearings

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coming up with who knows how many different maps?

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Can you help me think through?

