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The first amendment to the Constitution protects our freedom of speech and the freedom to assembly,

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including to protest.

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But what are the limits to those rights?

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For that, we welcome UW-Madison political science professor Emeritus Howard Schwaber.

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Thanks for your time today.

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Well, thank you for having me.

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So when protesters initially took over the intersection where a man was shot and killed by police,

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they were exercising their right to assemble.

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Were they still within their legal constitutional rights to be in that public space?

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No, or to put it differently, not necessarily.

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So let's back up a step.

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The way these kind of rules, the way rights in general, we talk about them,

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not in terms of you have the right to do X, but in terms, can the government stop you from doing X?

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It's always a negative constraint on what the government may do.

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With the implication that anything that's not prohibited, you must be left free to undertake.

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So the rules are the government is perfectly free to make what are called content neutral,

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time, place, and manner regulations.

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And these are things like don't use loudspeakers at night.

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Don't kep over night in a park.

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Those are actual old cases.

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So there's no question that cities and states have the authority to make those rules so long as they're content neutral.

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You can't say, for example, no blocking the streets in a protest, unless it's a protest about schools,

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or no blocking the streets except for political purposes, or something like that.

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So these are very broad, very straightforward rules, a general neutrality principle,

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and a general rule of the regulations should go to the way expressions being undertaken, not as content.

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There are two complicating factors.

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One is, when a city or state makes these rules, they have to be as little restrictive of expression as is possible.

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So an easy case of a valid rule, don't block the street.

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An easy case of an invalid rule, don't speak so loudly that someone is offended.

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Somewhere in between there is the space of difficult cases.

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Does this rule, in the name of preserving order, the name of a time, place, and manner regulation,

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have the effect of unnecessarily limiting people's ability to express themselves?

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The other complicating factor is whatever rules are adopted, there has to be adequate alternative avenues for expression.

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So this comes up a lot, for example, if you think about the protest years ago with the World Trade Organization in Seattle,

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that got a lot of attention, and that was one of the first times we saw the use of free speech zones.

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Please say this area and only this area is where protest is allowed, and the question was, did that leave adequate alternative avenues?

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So those are the broad general principles, and having said all that, setting up an encampment that blocks traffic and close businesses,

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yeah, that's very clearly something that is not protected by the First Amendment, and something the government is perfectly free to put an end to.

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So what happens then when a city doesn't enforce those rules?

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And of course, I think we all recognize that the broader context of this goes back to Black Lives Matter,

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and the pro-Palestinian encampments, that got so much attention during the 20-24 presidential election in the first months of President Trump's term.

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We've seen a growth, a considerable growth in the last few years, of protests and a protest in the form of encampment.

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It's just become a style of protesting that's become popular.

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And one of the problems that raises precise the problem you just mentioned, and you're exactly right to ask that question,

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what happens if the application of the rules I'm talking about?

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The state is inconsistent. One of some encampments all out and others are taken down.

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And that was precisely the claim that was made. In the case of the pro-Palestinian encampments and pro-Israel legislators and citizens who objected to the way they were being treated,

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the claim was it was inconsistent. These encampments were being allowed, these students were being allowed,

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were being permitted to be disruptive in a way that other student protesters had not been.

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So a city or a state can run into trouble by showing favoritism as well as disfavor.

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If you only apply these rules to protests or encampments from a single perspective,

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or you don't apply them to a single privileged perspective, imagine, for example,

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a city that never enforces these rules against religious protesters, but always does against political protesters.

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That would violate that content neutrality thing.

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So the application of the rules has to be neutral as well as their formulation.

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And that's exactly where most of the time you get into trouble, because the flip side is whether we're talking about a city,

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or a university, or a state government, or any police force, discretion is always part of the job description.

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Using your judgment, deciding when to step in, deciding how much leeway to allow,

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and that always opens the possibility of someone claiming you're being inconsistent.

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So the city of Madison here, to a certain extent, was caught in a bind.

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If they failed to act in response to these encampments, they would be subject to accusations that they were showing favoritism

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to that political cause on the grounds that they would have intervened if these encampments had been created for other purposes,

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that's probably true. Let's just make up a case. Imagine a group of people who want to abolish the establishment clause of the Constitution,

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so that America can become a fourth-party Christian nation, and to express their views, they block an intersection for a period of days.

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One suspects they'd be removed in pretty short order, so the city of Madison can't treat these protesters differently

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without running the risk of a constitutional violation.

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So we've talked about the word encampment, coming around in protest movements more,

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and we can go back 15 years to the Act 10 protests, where the capital was occupied for more than a month.

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There were protest zones within there where the protesters themselves prevented media from accessing certain halls,

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legislators from getting to their offices. That was negotiated in terms of how people would exit the capital,

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the preservation of materials. There were very few arrests down to the last handful of people brought out.

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Obviously, the Palestinian protest encampment at UW-Madison required police intervention. This one did.

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Well, we should be clear on this. The Palestinian protest in Camp Maria UW-Madison was tolerated for a considerable period of time.

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The university, and, you know, this is the bind that they're in, they tried to do this with a gentle hand.

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They tried to exercise discretion to maximize the ability of students to express themselves.

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They tried to find a balance between allowing this expressive activity to go forward while preventing disruption.

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But that becomes the problem. So take Act 10, for example. Many conservatives who opposed the protest, who supported Governor Walker,

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were deeply upset. Why are the police not throwing these people out?

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Why are they letting these people occupy our capital building and prevent the business of the government from going forward?

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Would they do the same if this was the Ku Klux Klan? And again, they're not wrong.

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The answer I hope is no. So this just gets back to the point I was making earlier.

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There is a history of encampments and takeovers in recent years. I think of that differently, more of an occupational building.

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That's fine. And governments have been wrestling with them. And the politics around those government responses has been so amplified

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and made so partisan and fraught because of the way Trump treated those issues when he ran for President in 2024

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that now, you know, all the universities, the universities, states are on tender hooks trying to figure out what's the right way to proceed.

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And the error on the side of caution is intervening and moving the encampments out rather than being unduly tolerant.

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So I want to read you a statement from the ACLU of Wisconsin, which they said the police response was excessive and heavy-handed saying

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when armed police show up and begin aggressively arresting and pepper-spraying protesters,

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it can jeopardize the safety of everyone involved, including demonstrators, law enforcement and the surrounding community.

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So where does that statement fall within this argument?

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So I'm a big fan of the ACLU in general. That doesn't mean I agree with every statement every representative makes.

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This one I'm not sure about. Now, at the end of the day, this is about knowing specific facts that I don't know.

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And we will not know publicly unless and until there are criminal trials or investigations or some other fact-finding process.

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We're all relying on what we hear either in the media or from participants.

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But I have seen reports of a dozen fires. I've seen reports of more than ten firearms being seized.

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The narrative is that the, and again, I can't vouch for the truth of this narrative, that the encampment had gone beyond being a protest encampment

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and become a general homeless encampment, and that when the police came to move in, they encountered resistance.

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So it is entirely possible, based on my limited knowledge of the facts, that the police acted completely proportionately.

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Proportionately, excuse me, in response to violent aggression.

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There's a very disturbing scene of a city employee, the interim police monitor who represents the community,

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pushing a police officer and later appearing on social media, making what sound like statements threatening violence.

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If those are accurate, I mean, there may be some context, but if that's really happening, if statements like that are being made by city officials,

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if there's violent resistance to the police carrying out an order to remove these encampments,

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then I'm afraid the city was wrong. That is unfortunate, but potentially necessary.

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Whether, you know, specific questions of police tactics were decided in an unfortunate way. I have no idea.

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And let us leave open the possibility because it's far too late to close that barn door.

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That the police were over-aggressive and took advantage of the situation to dish out a little discipline of their own.

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That's possible. I do think it's premature, based on what I know at least, for the ACLU to be making a claim like that.

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So kind of put a bow on this in terms of the First Amendment and protesters, because a lot of people say,

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well, my First Amendment writes, what is the great confusion there that comes within the bounds of your rights versus someone else's rights?

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So the very short version is you have a right to protest up to the point where you're disrupting other people's ability to go about their day.

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It's a simplistic version, of course, but it's not far off. If you block streets, if you block sidewalks, if you block access to businesses,

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if you block people's ability to get in and out of their home, if you disrupt the operation of classrooms, for example,

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none of those is protected by the First Amendment.

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The First Amendment protects the right to express yourself in ways that are peaceful and discursive.

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There simply is no protection for engaging in, well, civil disobedience.

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And the reason we call it civil disobedience is that when you do that,

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when you deliberately march into a racially segregated lunch counter and integrate it,

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you acknowledge you risk being arrested and suffering the punishment.

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That's part of the whole civil disobedience paradigm.

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It can be a very honorable thing, but there is not a First Amendment right to engage in acts that would otherwise be crimes.

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All right, Professor Schwaiber, thanks for your time today.

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Thank you so much.

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Thank you very much.

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Oh, man, I'm all like the ball prep there.

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Worked up on those.

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No, it's one of my favorite topics, so we will be coming back to it soon enough.

