The
following program is a PBS Wisconsin original production.
2024 presidential hopefuls drive home their support for the working class,
amidst an historic strike by the United Auto Workers,
and Wisconsin workers join the front line.
Go, Ken! Go, Ken! Go, Ken! Go, Ken!
I'm Frederica Freibert. Tonight, I'm here and now.
We hear from voices on the picket line,
and an economist looks at this moment through an historical land.
Paul Ryan tells Wisconsin Republicans will lose with Trump.
A drain on freshwater resources has local leaders drafting a Mississippi River compact,
and the Loch du Flambeau tribe combats threats to wild rice.
It's here and now for September 29.
Funding for here and now is provided by the Focus Fund for Journalism
and Friends of PBS Wisconsin.
The United Auto Workers Union today expanded the nationwide picket line
against the country's three largest car manufacturers.
It's been two weeks since UAW first walked off the job
to strike General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler parent company, Stellantis.
It's been one week since the auto parts makers joined them,
including two Wisconsin plants in Milwaukee and Hudson.
Marissa Wojcick has more.
Nobody's ever done this in history to UAW put all three out.
In weekly waves, United Auto Workers are joining the picket line,
striking the country's three car manufacturing giants.
I notified my members that morning at approximately nine o'clock
that get ready to go and we will be walking at 11.
And that's what we did.
Steve Frisk is the president of UAW Local 722 at a GM facility in Hudson.
His members, who voted 97% in favor to strike,
stand with auto workers across the country with the ultimate goal of renegotiating 146,000 contracts.
For members, the purpose is simple.
Striking for our rights.
One major demand is a 36% wage increase and cost of living adjustments.
I actually make less money today than I did when I hired in the General Motors in 1986.
Depressed wages hit workers hard amidst soaring inflation.
I don't have to either work the overtime and allow them to have second jobs
because they just they can't survive on that amount of money.
Another primary demand is an end to the two-tier system.
They could start people at lower wages and they would never actually ever hit full wage
like the legacy employees did.
It's dividing the workforce and it has caused animosity between workers.
The union says how they got here dates back to 2009,
when Ford, Chrysler, and General Motors faced bankruptcy.
A federal bailout saved them from complete collapse.
One of the conditions of that bailout bill was that the union had to reopen the contract
and sacrifice a lot of things that we had negotiated.
And now that these companies are making the three of them have made a quarter of a trillion
dollars in the last 10 years in profits.
It has to come back around.
We gave when they were bankrupt, when they were folding, going down the tubes.
We gave.
Now it's time to give a little bit of that back.
That's all we ask.
We produce millions of dollars in profits per month out of here.
Joe New is the president of UAW Local 75,
which represents workers at a Chrysler facility in Milwaukee.
A location now at risk of closure.
A common theme among these union veterans is fighting for the next generation.
I'm fighting for these young people with young families.
And that's what we're doing, you know, bringing these younger kids up
to learn how to do these things so that when we're gone, they can take over.
While negotiations have been ongoing, an N doesn't appear to be in sight.
As the union expanded strikes Friday to 25,000 people,
the UAW strike mirrors the national resurgence for unions across the country.
You've seen a lot of people organizing now.
People are tired of it and they're fighting back and that's a good thing
because we needed that to happen in this country.
If it wasn't for the union, you wouldn't have 40 hour work weeks.
You wouldn't have paid holidays.
You wouldn't have eight hour work days.
The union fights for everybody whether they know it or not
because what we do drives the community, it drives the area.
Reporting for Here and Now, I'm Marissa Wojcick.
No pun intended, but what are the driving forces behind the UAW strike
and other actions across the country and here in Wisconsin?
To take the temperature on organized labor and unionization,
where it's been and where it's going,
we turn to retired professor of economics at Milwaukee Area Technical College,
Michael Rosen.
Thanks very much for being here.
I'm delighted to be here.
So of particular interest about you,
you worked at the Chrysler plant in Kenosha before it closed.
How was the auto workers union different then?
Well, it was, how was it different then?
It was a pretty strong union in Kenosha at that time.
It was led by Rudy Kuzel, who's since passed away.
But it was a very strong union.
In fact, in the late 80s, when Chrysler was, when they were threatening to close that entire plant,
Kuzel led the union in a fight that actually brought an engine plant to Kenosha and kept
many people's jobs.
So it was always a strong fighting union, the UAW.
So in this strike, as you know, the UAW wants raises in parity with CEO compensation increases.
And the median pay for these auto workers I've read is in the $80,000 range, including benefits.
But the GM CEO's compensation package is something like $29 million.
There's this gap compared to the heyday of auto unions and say the 60s or 70s.
Well, when you think about, this is when you think about in general, the relationship between
workers and CEOs, in 1965, CEOs made 15 times as much as their workers.
Today, it's over 350 times. The auto companies have made a quarter of a trillion dollars
over the last decade. And yet, the auto workers have seen a decline in their wages,
in real wages, spending power of 20 percent, 20 percent.
Meanwhile, the CEOs are being paid 20 million a year, getting 20 million a year raises.
And this is really the heart of the matter. The people who are creating the wealth for these
auto companies have not been adequately compensated. In fact, you may know this, but they gave up,
they gave up cost of benefit increases in the Great Recession. They have not gotten those back.
And that's one of the issues driving a strike. Another issue that's driving that strike is that
they have a two-tier system. Many of the workers are paid significantly less than the more senior
workers. And according to the workers themselves, that's simply not fair.
So you have said, and you're just saying now, that companies consistently demanded concessions
from the frontline workers who were creating this wealth. But is the tide turning for union
labor on taking those kinds of concessions?
I think it is. I think that there are several reasons for that. But one of the most important
is that we have a very strong economy right now. And when we have a tight economy, that is,
when unemployment is very low, workers are less fearful about losing their jobs.
And that's not the case just recently. That's been the case historically,
all the way back to the 1800s. In the early 1830s, you saw organizing of workers
in the lower mills, mainly women workers, young women would come off the farms to work in these
mills when the economy was strong. And they built unions. And then, of course, when the economy got
weaker, they were laid off and unions declined. And that's been a historic pattern.
This question, what about the argument that giving workers the kinds of pay raises that
they're talking about 36% will cost consumers more because production costs will go up?
Well, it's possible that it'll cost consumers more. But in the 1960s and 70s, up until 1979,
wages rose in tandem with productivity. As productivity went up, the gains in productivity,
that's the output that the workers are producing, was shared with the workers. It went in tandem.
Since that time, there's been a huge decline, increases in productivity of 65%, but wages for
workers have only gone up 17%. So we know from history, we know from our own history in the 1950s,
60s, and even 70s that you could compensate workers adequately because their productivity
was increasing. And that was broken beginning in about 1979 and 80. And ever since then,
we've seen a huge rise in inequality. So I think the experience indicates that you can
adequately pay people. Now, will that mean that CEOs and other executives may be less compensated
possibly? Will it mean that there's some increase in prices? It could mean. But remember, in the
auto industry, the cost of labor is a very small percentage of the cost of production,
less than 6%. All right. Well, we need to leave it there. There's a lot more to talk about.
And we will call on you again, Michael Rosen. Thank you very much.
Well, thank you for having me. I enjoyed it. And I hope we talk again soon.
Thank you.
If Donald Trump is the nominee, Republicans will lose the election. That's what former
Republican House Speaker and Janesville Congressman Paul Ryan said this week,
speaking at UW Madison. Here and now reporter Steven Potter sat down with Ryan and learned
more about that opinion, but started his discussion by asking how current congressional leadership
can avoid a federal government shutdown. The problem is more of our members are new
and never been there for a government shutdown. So I think there are a lot of people pining for
this. Not a lot. A few people are pining for a government shutdown. Nothing is gained from it.
It doesn't do any good. And I know Speaker McCarthy would like to avoid it, but I don't
know that he'll have the votes to avoid it. And that's going to be a real problem.
What steps should elected leaders take to make sure the American economy is the strongest and
safest it can be? You don't want to do anything to feed more inflation. I think you want to make
sure that we don't stifle innovation with overregulation from government agencies.
And I think tax policy, you have a lot of the tax code, particularly in small businesses that
are expiring in 2025. If we could give businesses certainty that their taxes aren't going to go up
dramatically, that would help a lot of long-term planning. Over the long term, we've got to get
our debt under control. And that means we have to deal with the majority of government funding
that is not in these annual appropriation bills. Those are our entitlement programs.
Our social contract is very important. It provides us a safety net for the poor,
health and retirement security for most Americans. But it was written in the 20th century in ways
that are proving unsustainable in the 21st century. So we need comprehensive reforms
of these programs so that they can continue and that they don't bankrupt our country.
What do you think the chances are that Republicans will take back to the White House?
Yeah, well, if we beat Trump at the primary, we'll win. If we nominate Trump, I think we'll lose.
I think it's just that simple. At one point, you did support Donald Trump.
Well, when I was Speaker of the House, I governed with them. There are two reasons I don't support
Trump. One practical one sort of principle. The practical reason is ever since his one win in
2016, we've been losing ever since. If you look at the key swing states in America that will
determine the presidency, Wisconsin being one of them, it's the suburban voter that is the swing
voter in those states. Wisconsin, Georgia, Nevada, Arizona, maybe Pennsylvania. The suburban voters
in those states are the swing voters. You think the college-educated suburban voter,
say, in the wild counties in Wisconsin, liked Donald Trump more since January 6 than they did before?
So I don't see any scenario where those swing voters are going to be more likely to vote for
Donald Trump. The principal reason why I don't think he should be our nominee is I don't think
he's fit to be president. I just don't think the man, I think he proved it to all of us on January
6, but I just don't think the man's fit for the office. A new poll from the Pew Research Center
found that about 65% of Americans feel exhausted when they're thinking about politics. 55% of them
are angry when they think about politics. What needs to be done to keep Americans engaged in
politics and elections? The question is, can we have politicians that can supply a better version
of ourselves, a better version of politics that is also politically viable? That's what I'm
praying and hoping for. So can we have politicians that can campaign on actually solving problems,
bringing us together in fashioning sort of inspirational inclusion political agenda
that actually solves problems, do it from the rights perspective, do it from the less perspective,
but debate about ideas and solving problems? I would like to think the country is getting fatigued
from this hyper-partisanship and polarization and that they would reward political aspiring
leaders who offer that kind of politics. In Wisconsin, we are fortunate to be surrounded by huge
bodies of water, including the mighty Mississippi. Parch states out west like Arizona with their
own rivers drying up are eyeing our water to pump their way. Concern over such diversion is prompting
action to prevent it. This month, 30 mayors representing 10 states voted in favor of forming
a Mississippi River Compact. La Crosse Mayor Mitch Reynolds is among the mayors leading the
effort and he joins us now. Thanks very much for being here. Well, thank you so much for having
me. It's a pleasure. So what would a Mississippi River Compact do? You know, it's really modeled
after the Great Lakes Compact and it's really meant to protect the Mississippi River as a water
resource just for now and for generations to come. So we have to maintain the Mississippi River as
not only is something that's beneficial for our communities up and down the Mississippi River,
but also for our entire nation. When you think about the number of states that the base and drains
is 32 states at the base and drains and there's, you know, 40% of the ag products in the nation
will be, will go, will travel down the Mississippi River. And so for us to create a compact is really
just a sensible way to ensure that the Mississippi River is they use as a significant water resource
and natural habitat resource, a navigation resource, you know, economic resource for generations to come.
So I know that the concerns are around diversion to states that sorely need water,
but would it really be feasible to pump or divert the water out west? Yeah, you wouldn't think so.
I mean, you would think that it would be just just incomprehensible to take a pipe
and and run it across the United States of America to the Southwest to here's your water.
But we do that for oil and arguably water is a more significant resource than oil is.
I mean, I would argue that. So I'm not putting it past anybody. We have a lot of people that say,
well, this will never happen. Well, it it may never happen, but it might happen. So why not
create a compact to ensure that it doesn't? And not only a compact to ensure that diversion is
not an option, but also make sure that we're we're acting in in unity to protect the resource.
And I think that that's something that, again, the entire nation has an interest in. Absolutely.
So it's fashioned on the Great Lakes compact. We know that took years to enact. What's the timeline
here? Well, hopefully sooner than quicker than the New Year's. And I think that because there is
that model there with the Great Lakes compact, then of course, the Great Lakes compact is is
two nations, obviously, too. So it's not just it's not just the United States, Canada as well.
We have 10 states and we need our our state legislatures to champion this and to approve
that we need the federal government to approve it. But I think that we already have at precedent
of the Great Lakes compact. It feels like this is a this is a much more doable proposition.
What do you know? So again, timeline, exact timeline. I'm not sure. But I think that should be
what do you know about the legislature's sense of whether they would support this?
Great question. I guess we're early on in this process. I can't imagine that
legislators in these 10 states would say, yeah, no, we're not protecting the Mississippi River.
Is the lifeblood of all of these states? It's hard for me to believe that that would not happen.
But maybe and that's what our the job of like the group that I'm in Mississippi River Cities
and towns initiative. I'm the one of the new national co-chairs of this group. One of the
things that we're doing and we're trying to work towards it makes sure that the state
legislatures are our our our federal representatives understand this town significant
and important that this is. So if there is hesitation, then we can try to convince them
otherwise. Still, you at this juncture seem really fired up about this. Oh, yeah. Are you kidding?
It's a significant are the city of La Crosse and I mean virtually every city along the Mississippi
River, the past and the current, the present and the future, all of it is
basically formed by the river with our relationship to the river. The Mississippi River, it is a
significant part of our community, who we are, who we're going to be in the future. We need to
protect this as a resource and for me and for my children and for generations to come. I think it
is just it is critical for our city, for all the cities that up and down the Mississippi River,
from Bemidji to to the mouth. We are it is it is profoundly necessary for us to protect this as
as not only a resource for our communities, but as a national resource as well.
All right. We leave it there. Mayor Reynolds, thanks very much.
Thank you.
Experts say summers in Wisconsin have gotten about two degrees warmer since 1970,
which has wreaked havoc on wild rice, an important part of native life.
But hotter summers aren't the only reason wild rice is facing challenges.
Here in now reporter Nathan Denzine has this story.
Hopefully in my lifetime, you know, that I'll see it come back. You know, my grandchildren,
my children, they'll have that. As the leaves start to change and summer drifts into fall,
native people in northern Wisconsin have one thing on their mind,
wild rice. But due to climate change and other human causes,
wild rice is becoming less abundant. These two have close to 75 bodies of water. I used to have
wild rice on it. I only got two rivers. Wild rice or Minomen in Ojibwe grows in shallow
streams and lakes across the Great Lakes region. Minomen is extremely nutritious,
delicious, and fundamental to how native people in this area live.
This is a map from 1911. Records dating back to 1850 show over 225 acres of wild rice in the
Loch du Flambeau area. But today, that number is closer to 100.
Joe Gregine is the wild rice technician for the Loch du Flambeau tribe. He says Minomen is the
reason native people migrated to the region. The little prophecy is told us, you know, to go,
you know, to where that food grows out of water, which is wild rice, Minomen.
That was over 2,500 years ago, and native people have been harvesting wild rice ever since.
Before ricers can knock, roast, and thrash the seed, environmental factors have to be
just right year-round for the seed to grow. It also needs harsh winters or cold winters with
thicker lake ice. Maddie Knibleyt is a PhD student at the University of Minnesota who works with
Gregine and the tribe to study wild rice and why it might be disappearing. She says that winter is
when Minomen faces its first challenge. So we are seeing less snow, less lake ice duration,
and both of those have a negative impact on rice. Wild rice needs a long-lasting freeze that turns
over nutrients on the lake bed. Recent shorter winters means that doesn't happen as much.
After winter, wild rice needs shallow water to germinate. However, dams, culverts, and other
interventions over the last two centuries have raised water levels too high for the plant to grow.
They have documents that shows where the United States government flooded hundreds and hundreds
of acres of wild rice. Call mile, not even call miles from here.
By August or September, if the rice was able to survive, it's ready to be harvested.
That's when people like Greg Biscock and A. Johnson and his partner Alexandria Salinas
had out in a canoe to knock. Being Ojibwe, you should probably either use it, eat it, harvest it,
or share it. When it's time to harvest Minomen, everything stops, and we go out racing.
Biscock and A. Johnson is an artist and cultural educator in La Cuflambeau,
who has been racing for most of his life. Salinas is the owner of Adawe Design Collective,
and is originally from a tribe in Michigan where rice beds have all but disappeared.
On one end of the canoe, he pushes the pair through delicate rice beds with a large pole,
careful not to accidentally destroy any stocks.
Minomen needs a very particular environment to thrive, and Johnson says that the wake from
motorboats can cause a huge problem and destroy acres of rice beds. Unless you're on a lake with
no rice like we are, wakes can be large enough to shake rice off the stock or churn up lake beds
and stop the rice from growing in the first place. That means less food for me and my family
in my tribe. It's a shame to see things in decline and to see them in decline for such selfish reasons.
And the plant faces dozens of other threats including invasive species, water pollution,
and severe storms. Because it's impacted by so many different factors, it can show us what's
happening and be a signpost of our environment. When you mess with the natural way of things,
there's always going to be consequences that you can't predict. It's only going to progressively
get worse and worse, you know. And so our children and our grandchildren are going to
inherit our mess, our mess that we made here. Groven says that for the last few years,
he has been working with the Wisconsin DNR and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service to secure
protections for Minomen, which would at least insulate it from boats and dams. You can't sit
back. You've not seen nothing. You know, because that's all important. That's all important.
Until meaningful climate action or other interventions are put in place,
Minomen is likely to continue its decline. And we just have to tell our children, you know,
that's not how they should be in the future. You guys deserve better. Reporting for Here
and Now, I'm Nathan Denzine in Loch du Flambeau. Starting next week on this program, we bring you
special reporting on the experience of black people in Wisconsin through the generations.
I'm Nathan Denzine. Join us as PBS Wisconsin News and Barks on special coverage,
Wisconsin and Black and White. A look back and a look ahead at racial justice.
A one-hour special in a series of reports starting next week.
The premiere of Wisconsin in Black and White next Monday at 8, followed by weekly special
reports on Here and Now. For more on this and other issues facing Wisconsin, visit our website
at pbswisconsin.org and then click on the news tab. That's our program for tonight. I'm
Frederica Freiberg. Have a good weekend.
Funding for Here and Now is provided by the Focus Fund for Journalism and Friends of PBS Wisconsin.