WEBVTT

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Or give me a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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I'll give you a couple of people to see if that's all I want.

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Thank you very much.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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They're not going to sell as much as I like.

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They're not going to sell as much as I like.

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They're not going to sell as much as I like.

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They're not going to sell as much as I like.

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They're not going to sell as much as I like.

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Just mac and cheese pizza, you want to get that?

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You're done with cheese for a little while.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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I'm going to get some lunch over here.

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So nice to sit down.

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Which is probably going to be nice.

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We're going to be here about as long as we can.

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I don't know.

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I don't know.

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I mean, we don't have a dream, but we're in this kind of system all day.

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We're in a lot of profiting.

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What do you think?

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What if you got some sandwiches for a computer in the office?

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Yeah.

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Do you guys care what it is?

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It's the same thing?

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No.

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Yeah.

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I'm having the opportunity to press the board.

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Yeah.

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Would you like your stuff in the room?

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I think there's a reasonable...

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Are you going to say it's going to be a combination of life?

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Yeah.

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I think I missed this.

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Regular.

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No one's going to know or care.

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It's not your case.

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You don't have to be through hell.

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Right.

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You're an audience.

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You're a spectator.

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You're a spectator.

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What do you mean it's true?

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It'll be probably a good tweet case.

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Which means it's going to be like, let's say, let's break it down.

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I think I'll be done by this.

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I think I'll be done by this.

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I think I'll be done by this.

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I think I'll be done by this.

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I thought you said the entire thing.

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90 minutes is about a time between schedule

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and when there are your systems.

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That's why you were starting by now.

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Right.

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We still have four.

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I think I'll be faster.

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I'm going to talk about it.

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Almost there.

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CHATTER

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CHATTER

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CHATTER

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CHATTER

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CHATTER

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

08:24.000 --> 08:25.000
I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

09:50.000 --> 09:51.000
I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

09:52.000 --> 09:53.000
I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

09:55.000 --> 09:56.000
I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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I would like to thank you very much for being here.

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Everybody welcome back.

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At long last year, if you can ask you something as you're taking the podium, sometimes when

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people are splitting up arguments, they're each taking an issue, you were going to start

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with that, weren't you?

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You weren't going to.

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Okay, are you each going to take an issue or not, just so that we can save some questions

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for Mr. Seith?

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No, you're in our group.

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All three of us are ready for all your questions.

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You will let the argument unfold, however it's most helpful.

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Oh, cool.

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Okay, that's great.

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Then we are ready whenever you are.

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Good morning.

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May I please the court tailor me in on behalf of the Wisconsin legislature?

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Four and a half years ago, this court adopted the governor's proposed remedy for the then

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malapportioned congressional districts.

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The court held unequivocally that that remedy complied with all applicable state and federal

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laws.

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Nothing has changed since then that could warrant reentering the political thicket of congressional

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redistricting and putting this court's injunction on trial in a circuit court.

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This court can affirm the dismissal of plaintiffs complaint on these simple grounds without

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reaching the merits, which is that the circuit court was exactly right that it could not

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unwind this court's final judgment in Johnson too.

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Likewise this court could affirm simply by holding plaintiffs waited too long to bring

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this suit in circuit court just as the Illinois Supreme Court held last year for the districting

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challenge in Illinois.

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Where would there be any reason for this court, for the circuit court, to unwind the

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Johnson too injunction?

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As to plaintiff's separation of powers arguments, the circuit court was exactly right that plaintiffs

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arguments rewrite this court's words in Clark to say something that this court did not say.

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The court needs no more authority than Clark itself to know that at least changes remedy

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is not categorically unconstitutional.

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That's cool.

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I want to go back to Clark, which I haven't set up to this point, but I'll say now it's

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a well written opinion.

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Indeed, your honor.

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Thank you.

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I appreciate it fishing for compliments this morning.

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It was really clear in 63 that these changes are unworkable in practice.

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It went through the whole analysis about it being unworkable and all the reasons it

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was unworkable.

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I certainly recall vividly sitting in this courtroom as we talked about the peanuts analogy of

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Lucy moving the football away from Charlie Brown because no one who was advocating for

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least change in this courtroom could agree to what it meant.

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It was at least change as far as the number of people, the population, and the district

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was at least change as to the lines where we were trying to least change as to municipalities.

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It didn't work and there was nothing in the Constitution as Justice Taylor brought out

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a little while ago.

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There was nothing in Wisconsin law.

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There was nothing in the Wisconsin Constitution that brought it forward that could be relied

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on to be the basis for it.

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In paragraph 63 of Clark just says, as illustrated across the course of the Johnson litigation,

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least change is unworkable in practice.

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As such, we overrule any portion of Johnson 1, Johnson 2 and Johnson 3 that mandate at

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least change approach.

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I would like to know, what else could a judge or justice possibly write in an opinion to

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say, we are overturning this.

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This does not apply going forward.

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This was wrong.

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It was unworkable in practice.

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I don't know how much more clearer I could have done it, but apparently there's something

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else I should have done.

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What do you suggest that was?

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Chief Justice Crossview took the words right out of my mouth, which is that we're not going

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to apply this going forward.

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But the court's discussion about how least changes is unworkable is not synonymous with

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a holding that least changes what's unconstitutional when applied in Johnson 2.

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And as for Justice Taylor's question about where this least changes approach comes from,

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I think some table setting is really important here.

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You receive Justice Taylor an answer about Clark and the state constitution.

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Clark involved the state house districts.

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Of course, we are here about the congressional districts.

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And so to the question of where a least changes approach might come from, I would point the

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court to the federal constitution here in this case, which assigns power to the legislature

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for redistricting, not courts.

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And when the last enacted plan by the legislature is Act 44, of course, the elections clause

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could anticipate this.

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But we said, I'm sorry to interrupt you, but we said that those maps, because they did

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not, the population had shifted, obviously, in the ten years, those maps could no longer

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be violated, they violated federal law, they violated the constitution.

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Those maps were no longer in effect, they couldn't be.

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Well, Your Honor, I think that mistakes the nature of the judicial power, which is when

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the court examined Act 44 and held Act 44 was unconstitutionally malapportioned, the court

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was not striking down the law or erasing it from the Wisconsin statutes.

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The court was remedying the malapportionment of those districts.

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Those districts are still the law on the books today with the additional layer of this court's

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injunction remedying the malapportionment of those districts at the margin.

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And as for the deference to the legislature and whether that could possibly work a constitutional

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violation in a congressional redistricting case, any such rule would come as an enormous

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surprise, I would think, to the U.S. Supreme Court, which states have done, state courts

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have looked at the issue of judicial ability, we have ten courts now that have come up with

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a standard, none of those Supreme Court decisions have been overturned, they've not

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been accepted on cert, they have not been accepted on a stay.

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So we see state courts coming up with standards to measure whether votes have been improperly

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and unconstitutionally and substantially deluded.

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How do we not have that same ability like these other state courts, state Supreme Court's

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and your honor, I do have arguments in response to the partisan gerrymandering claim and other

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states have done it, but I would like to finish my point on justice for Obscuse, the least

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changes approach and the very separate claim that plaintiffs have said they've brought here.

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And as for what state courts have done, let me start with the U.S. Supreme Court.

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In cases like white against wiser, the U.S. Supreme Court reversed a court for refusing

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to defer to the political judgments of the Texas legislature in a malapportionment case.

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And then state courts as diverse as courts in Minnesota, Oklahoma, South Carolina, and

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New Hampshire have all done exactly what this court did.

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Let me ask you some of that.

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We are not talking about maps that the legislature put in place.

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The legislature put in place maps, the governor vetoed those maps.

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You are talking about a legislature from 2011, correct.

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And just as courts in New Hampshire, Oklahoma, and all the other states I just listed off

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deferred to the same sort of maps, these are impasse cases, malapportionment cases.

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And those courts say we are going to defer to the last enacted map because that is the

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last enacted map by the people's representatives and our job here is to remedy malapportionment.

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It's not to strike a new political balance.

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We should talk about the people's representatives, right?

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Because if you start with Article 1, Section 1 of our Constitution, which says that the

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government derives its power from the consent of the governed, from the people, yes?

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Yes.

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Yes.

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Okay.

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And in your view, that means the legislature, not the court, that they should be deciding

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this issue of redistricting the 2011 legislature in this case, right?

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Yes.

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Okay.

19:39.280 --> 19:42.760
Because that legislature, if I'm understanding your argument, was elected by the people.

19:42.760 --> 19:44.840
They're closest to the people.

19:44.840 --> 19:47.200
They can be held accountable by the people.

19:47.200 --> 19:48.200
Yes.

19:48.200 --> 19:49.200
Yes.

19:49.200 --> 19:50.200
Okay.

19:50.200 --> 19:52.680
This is where I have some issues.

19:52.680 --> 20:01.800
The legislature that passed those original maps wasn't any old legislature, right?

20:01.800 --> 20:09.160
The legislature that passed that maps, they came from districts that many people claimed

20:09.160 --> 20:14.520
were the most gerrymandered in the entire country.

20:14.520 --> 20:20.640
They were, as some say, a prime example of representatives choosing their voters rather

20:20.640 --> 20:24.960
than the other way around, rather than voters choosing their representatives.

20:24.960 --> 20:30.520
And because of those maps, many people felt that their votes were diluted, that they weren't

20:30.520 --> 20:32.000
representative of the people.

20:32.000 --> 20:35.280
They said that they felt like those districts lacked in representation.

20:35.280 --> 20:37.120
People felt like those maps weren't fair.

20:37.120 --> 20:41.040
Some people even called those maps rigged.

20:41.040 --> 20:46.920
That the legislators that came from those districts came from rigged maps.

20:46.920 --> 20:52.520
It is that legislature, those representatives from those districts described as extremely

20:52.520 --> 20:56.520
gerrymandered that drafted the maps that we are talking about today.

20:56.520 --> 21:01.800
The maps that got baked in in 2021.

21:01.800 --> 21:05.720
And if I'm understanding your argument that under these change, which you're ardently

21:05.720 --> 21:14.240
defending, those maps, the baked in ones from the 2011 legislature, would go forward into

21:14.240 --> 21:17.160
perpetuity indefinitely.

21:17.160 --> 21:20.280
And I don't understand how that is not unconstitutional.

21:20.280 --> 21:26.720
Well, you're honored whether we agree with it or not, the U.S. Constitution assigns redistricting

21:26.720 --> 21:29.280
authority to the legislature.

21:29.280 --> 21:35.760
Because 250 years ago, when we declared revolution, we said the people decide through their elected

21:35.760 --> 21:37.080
representatives.

21:37.080 --> 21:41.760
And there are two solutions for that, either of which plaintiffs could pursue.

21:41.760 --> 21:46.720
First, they could lobby Congress because, of course, Congress likewise has power under

21:46.720 --> 21:52.880
the elections clause to stop what some have said should not have happened in 2011.

21:52.880 --> 21:59.840
Or like Florida, like New York, like Ohio, plaintiffs could do the hard work of creating

21:59.840 --> 22:05.000
a constitutional amendment and saying any politics in redistricting is forbidden.

22:05.000 --> 22:10.240
Any desire to send Speaker Paul Ryan back to Congress is forbidden.

22:10.240 --> 22:11.240
They have not done that.

22:11.240 --> 22:17.560
And so, yes, as we stand here today, the only neutral way for this court to have proceeded

22:17.560 --> 22:23.880
in a malapportionment case about congressional districts was to just defer to the existing

22:23.880 --> 22:30.160
political and policy choices, like sending senior statesmen, be it Speaker Ryan, or

22:30.160 --> 22:35.120
Representative Obie back to Congress, and lessen until there's a change from Congress

22:35.120 --> 22:39.480
itself or a constitutional change to the Wisconsin Constitution.

22:39.480 --> 22:46.200
And that is regardless of how much constitutional harm is caused to an individual's right to

22:46.200 --> 22:47.200
vote.

22:48.200 --> 22:56.160
Your Honor, as Justice Ziegler explained, every individual in Wisconsin can go to vote

22:56.160 --> 23:01.320
on election day or mail in their ballot and cast an equally weighted vote.

23:01.320 --> 23:03.320
That's been true in Wisconsin, by the way, since-

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That's not what gerrymandering allows.

23:05.160 --> 23:14.520
Is it gerrymandering is the legislature determining their voters and assigning, treating a class

23:14.520 --> 23:18.920
of voters as unfavored?

23:18.920 --> 23:27.720
And that can have the impact of deluding in individuals' right to vote.

23:27.720 --> 23:33.960
So they vote, yes, they go and vote, but they're votes meaningless because politicians have

23:33.960 --> 23:36.200
determined who their voters are.

23:36.200 --> 23:44.000
And that would seem to me so contrary to the language of our Constitution, which elevates

23:44.000 --> 23:50.600
the sovereignty of the people, that politicians have no power without the people.

23:50.600 --> 23:56.240
Your Honor, our founders risk their lives so that our representatives who we elect can

23:56.240 --> 23:59.440
represent the people, not a king.

23:59.440 --> 24:04.680
And with all due respect, not courts, because the Wisconsin Constitution provides this court

24:04.680 --> 24:11.280
no judicially manageable standards to decide that loyal Republicans and loyal Democrats

24:11.280 --> 24:13.280
have this super constitutional rights-

24:13.280 --> 24:14.880
The courts have done it.

24:14.880 --> 24:18.160
They have done it, Your Honor, and I'm so glad you asked that question, because there

24:18.160 --> 24:22.520
is no free and fair elections clause in Wisconsin's Constitution.

24:22.520 --> 24:29.200
And there is no Florida Fair District's amendment saying considering incumbents is forbidden.

24:29.200 --> 24:33.680
And even in states that have done it, even in North Carolina with the free and fair elections

24:33.680 --> 24:37.120
clause, I'd urge this court not to take my words for it, go look at the Supreme Court

24:37.120 --> 24:38.560
opinions in that case.

24:38.560 --> 24:43.840
They threw up their hands, Justice Taylor, and they said, we understand this is a political

24:43.840 --> 24:44.840
problem.

24:44.840 --> 24:49.400
And this is hotly debated at kitchen tables and in academic classrooms.

24:49.400 --> 24:53.720
But what we can't do as a court is solve that problem, because even the free and fair

24:53.720 --> 24:56.720
elections clause doesn't give us the tools to do so.

24:56.720 --> 25:03.240
So our Constitution is different in that we, there is a provision that says there is a

25:03.240 --> 25:09.960
remedy for wrongs, Section 9, it says every person is entitled to a certain remedy in

25:09.960 --> 25:18.480
the laws for all injuries or wrongs, which he may receive in his person, proper character,

25:18.480 --> 25:21.200
he ought to obtain justice freely.

25:21.200 --> 25:24.120
So that is unique to our Constitution.

25:24.120 --> 25:33.440
Our task is to interpret our Constitution to evaluate legislation to see if it poses

25:33.440 --> 25:36.640
a constitutional harm to these rights.

25:36.640 --> 25:45.600
So it's just very hard, I think your argument is challenging when I look at the, our own

25:45.600 --> 25:53.640
Constitution and the language of that Constitution and the embodiment of the sovereignty of

25:53.640 --> 25:57.840
people, government has no power without the people.

25:57.840 --> 26:07.720
So if a class of voters, if their vote is being deluded or infringed upon, that seems to me

26:07.720 --> 26:15.560
to violate these principles of the people being sovereign, because we have been elevated

26:15.560 --> 26:22.760
the power politicians above individual's right to choose their government.

26:22.760 --> 26:28.800
Your Honor, the question assumes the answer to the question I thought we were all here

26:28.800 --> 26:36.480
to address today, which is, is there a right to Republican districts or Democratic districts

26:36.480 --> 26:37.480
in the Wisconsin Constitution?

26:37.480 --> 26:42.520
That's not the framing though, it's not, that's not, you're framing it in a certain way that

26:42.520 --> 26:45.120
I think is not how I'm seeing it.

26:45.120 --> 26:52.120
I'm looking at our state Constitution and I am pondering as we do with all legislation

26:52.120 --> 26:55.080
that we review, the concept of judicial review.

26:55.080 --> 26:57.400
Is there a constitutional harm here?

26:57.400 --> 26:59.040
That's what I'm looking at.

26:59.040 --> 27:04.800
I'm not looking at, it's not up to us to imbue our policy choices.

27:04.800 --> 27:07.960
That's very clearly belongs to the legislature.

27:07.960 --> 27:13.760
What I'm looking at is there a constitutional harm here, and I'm sure you agree that the

27:13.760 --> 27:17.480
right to vote is the most precious constitutional right we have.

27:17.960 --> 27:23.160
Wisconsin case law that says that, it is the most precious right.

27:23.160 --> 27:31.600
So isn't that our inquiry, is there a constitutional harm here in infringing or deluding an individual's

27:31.600 --> 27:32.600
right to vote?

27:32.600 --> 27:33.760
That seems to be the question.

27:33.760 --> 27:35.960
Yes, three points, Your Honor.

27:35.960 --> 27:40.760
First, Wisconsin was ahead of the curb in terms of the right to vote in the Cunningham

27:40.760 --> 27:41.760
case.

27:41.760 --> 27:45.480
And in Cunningham, this court did something decades, perhaps a century before the Supreme

27:45.520 --> 27:51.000
Court did in Westbury, which it said that right to vote is so precious that we in Wisconsin

27:51.000 --> 27:56.280
are going to ensure that you have a numerically equally weighted vote back in, I think it

27:56.280 --> 28:02.840
was 1892, and that, and no one here disputes that this court could not adjudicate a claim

28:02.840 --> 28:06.680
of mal apportionment, just as the court did in Johnson.

28:06.680 --> 28:12.360
The second point, beyond that, the right to vote is not a right to get the election outcomes

28:12.360 --> 28:13.360
you want.

28:13.360 --> 28:19.280
The very nature of the political branches is that someone loses and someone wins on election

28:19.280 --> 28:20.280
day.

28:20.280 --> 28:26.080
And when it comes to who decides what those districts look like, the Wisconsin Constitution

28:26.080 --> 28:31.600
gives this court no judicially manageable standard to override what the federal Constitution

28:31.600 --> 28:34.720
says, which is that the legislature does get to decide.

28:34.720 --> 28:40.120
And it was okay in remedying mal apportionment to defer to those legislative choices.

28:40.120 --> 28:44.200
A good case on that is the McGraill case where it certainly involved the right to

28:44.200 --> 28:45.200
vote.

28:45.200 --> 28:49.440
It involved whether you could be identified by party on a ballot, whether someone knew

28:49.440 --> 28:54.440
I was a Republican or a Democrat or the Constitution party or something else, and this court

28:54.440 --> 28:55.440
deferred.

28:55.440 --> 29:02.720
Well, of course, courts do apply substantiality of harm all the time.

29:02.720 --> 29:07.600
We weigh that, whether it be in civil criminal cases.

29:07.600 --> 29:13.800
We are applying those standards and not set out necessarily in the Constitution.

29:13.800 --> 29:19.000
But it seems to me that we're looking at, is there a substantial dilution?

29:19.000 --> 29:21.080
Is there a substantial harm here?

29:21.080 --> 29:24.240
And of course, do that all the time in jurisprudence.

29:24.240 --> 29:31.120
We are always looking at harms and weighing whether there's a substantiality issue.

29:31.120 --> 29:35.680
Your Honor, I suppose that brings me to the third point, which is whether a plaintiff might

29:35.760 --> 29:40.920
be able to establish there is a cognizable harm in some case.

29:40.920 --> 29:46.400
Later on, this court could leave unresolved whether it wants to overrule Johnson One.

29:46.400 --> 29:52.120
But in this particular case, plaintiffs have not done the hard work to walk back what

29:52.120 --> 29:57.680
were more than three dozen paragraphs in addition to Justice Hagedorn's concurrence explaining

29:57.680 --> 30:04.880
that the Constitution, as it sits today and as it sat then, does not give the court the

30:04.880 --> 30:08.200
tools to adjudicate those kinds of thorny claims.

30:08.200 --> 30:09.200
So that's what you're looking at.

30:09.200 --> 30:11.120
Why do we have a remedy for every wrong?

30:11.120 --> 30:17.680
Every person is entitled to a certain remedy because of the laws for all injuries.

30:17.680 --> 30:22.760
Because your Honor, plaintiffs have not identified what the constitutional wrong is at this time.

30:22.760 --> 30:25.680
Vote dilution is not a constitutional wrong.

30:25.680 --> 30:31.440
When our Constitution explicitly says it is the people who choose their government, the

30:31.440 --> 30:35.720
only mechanism by which they do that is the right to vote.

30:35.720 --> 30:39.200
And no one disputes that the districts are equally apportioned, they can cast an equally

30:39.200 --> 30:40.200
weighted vote.

30:40.200 --> 30:44.320
So it does not matter the extent of a partisan gerrymandering.

30:44.320 --> 30:51.200
It does not matter the extent of the harm that is caused by a certain disfavored group.

30:51.200 --> 30:56.760
It sounds to me like you're saying an extreme gerrymandering, an extreme partisan gerry

30:56.800 --> 30:59.280
mander is constitutional.

30:59.280 --> 31:01.720
Your Honor, understanding that is your argument?

31:01.720 --> 31:06.240
Your Honor, I'm not sure at this point in time how to define an extreme partisan gerry

31:06.240 --> 31:10.880
mander versus a sort of partisan gerrymander versus we wanted to send Speaker Ryan back

31:10.880 --> 31:12.080
to Congress.

31:12.080 --> 31:17.400
Would you say five percent, double digits, ten percent, fifteen percent?

31:17.400 --> 31:22.560
I think we certainly have districts across the state that hit those numbers.

31:22.560 --> 31:28.400
We do, Your Honor, and I can't tell you that district two, for example, here where

31:28.400 --> 31:31.720
we stand today is an extreme partisan gerrymander.

31:31.720 --> 31:36.280
The representative there, one by 70 to 30 percent vote in 2024.

31:36.280 --> 31:43.160
There's every reason to think he did so because Democrats are densely populated in the Madison

31:43.160 --> 31:44.160
area.

31:44.160 --> 31:46.240
Right, there could become cackness, for sure.

31:46.240 --> 31:49.800
But you look at some of the other districts and the way they're drawn.

31:49.800 --> 31:54.280
What I'm almost hearing you say is that there's not a constitutional claim for extreme

31:54.280 --> 31:57.720
partisan gerrymandering under the Wisconsin Constitution.

31:57.720 --> 32:01.880
If that's what it boils down to, tell us.

32:01.880 --> 32:07.520
Your Honor, right now the Wisconsin Constitution does not define with any level of judicial

32:07.520 --> 32:13.440
certainty what an extreme partisan gerrymander would be and in states that have been displeased

32:13.440 --> 32:18.600
with that constitutional reality that they have amended their constitutions with clear

32:18.600 --> 32:20.920
rules that courts can apply.

32:20.920 --> 32:26.640
The Utah case, the New York case, the Florida case that plaintiffs have brought to you all

32:26.640 --> 32:33.800
involve either reticulated statutes or constitutional amendments saying we, we extirpate politics

32:33.800 --> 32:34.800
from redistricting.

32:34.800 --> 32:43.960
Oh, counsel, counsel, your opposing counsel, has urged us to adopt New Mexico and Pennsylvania's

32:43.960 --> 32:44.960
cases.

32:45.960 --> 32:50.360
It took the opportunity on break to take a look at their constitutional provisions.

32:50.360 --> 32:56.720
You mentioned earlier that Wisconsin does not have a free and equal elections clause,

32:56.720 --> 33:02.960
but the courts in those cases did point to and reference and the New Mexico and Pennsylvania

33:02.960 --> 33:09.040
constitutions do specifically have free and equal elections clause.

33:09.040 --> 33:14.600
Do you think that has any impact on whether we should follow Pennsylvania and New Mexico?

33:14.600 --> 33:18.720
I do and I think, I can't remember if it's the Pennsylvania decision or the first North

33:18.720 --> 33:22.280
Carolina decision that explores the history of that clause.

33:22.280 --> 33:26.360
It's extremely interesting there in other state constitutions they are very specific

33:26.360 --> 33:29.360
to elections and your ability to go cast a vote.

33:29.360 --> 33:34.640
And so there was far more history in those cases to connect to that constitutional text

33:34.640 --> 33:41.560
admittedly broad with a right to have fairer districts, however one expert might define

33:41.560 --> 33:43.200
fairer districts.

33:43.200 --> 33:47.240
Here the history points in entirely the opposite direction.

33:47.240 --> 33:49.520
There's precious little of it in the briefs here.

33:49.520 --> 33:54.200
There were more than 100 pages about it in Johnson and the history boils down to it.

33:54.200 --> 33:57.280
This state's constitutional convention in 1848.

33:57.280 --> 34:01.760
There was a lot of talk about gerrymandering and there was a lot of discussion about whether

34:01.760 --> 34:07.480
the way Wisconsin's first congressional districts had been drawn was fair to have a very compact

34:07.480 --> 34:11.960
district in the southeast of the state and the sprawling district capturing 20 counties

34:11.960 --> 34:13.520
in the rest of the state.

34:13.520 --> 34:18.120
And the solution to that then answers the question before this court now.

34:18.120 --> 34:22.920
The solution was the people voted through their delegates at the convention and then

34:22.920 --> 34:29.640
through ratifying the constitution and that's been the unchanged history for over 100 years

34:29.640 --> 34:34.480
in this state until 2011 when parties started bringing partisan gerrymandering claims.

34:34.560 --> 34:43.040
So I wanted to just follow up with the Chief Justice's question about the 2011 maps.

34:43.040 --> 34:52.040
My recollection of the history here is that I think Democrats controlled the legislature

34:52.040 --> 34:55.720
entirely from 2006 to 2006 to 2010.

34:55.720 --> 34:58.880
There was a Democratic governor at that time.

34:58.880 --> 35:04.200
Then in the 2010 elections Republicans won the governorship in both houses of the legislature

35:04.200 --> 35:11.280
and using maps that were in place at that time and then it was that legislature which

35:11.280 --> 35:18.400
actually enacted the law that we are dealing with here at 44 in 2011.

35:18.400 --> 35:24.600
And so it was not the quote rigged maps or any later maps that were enacted for example

35:24.600 --> 35:28.000
after our Johnson decision that are at issue here.

35:28.000 --> 35:32.600
But that was in fact a series of legislature that was chosen with maps that clearly were

35:32.600 --> 35:36.520
quite competitive and led to both Republicans and Democrats controlling both chambers.

35:36.520 --> 35:37.520
Is that accurate?

35:37.520 --> 35:43.120
Yeah the points well taken your honor and the finish the point I would say those the maps

35:43.120 --> 35:47.720
that others have called rigged I won't endorse that language today have since also been replaced

35:47.720 --> 35:51.560
through the democratic process where the legislature passed maps and the democratic governor

35:51.560 --> 35:52.560
signed them.

35:52.560 --> 35:56.560
But yes for purposes of the congressional districts which we're here to talk about today

35:56.560 --> 35:59.480
the Congress members didn't enact that map.

35:59.480 --> 36:03.560
The people's representatives in the small districts that make up the state legislature

36:03.560 --> 36:08.960
did and that's exactly what the Constitution has envisioned would happen until 1787 and

36:08.960 --> 36:12.520
so to bring us back to what was going on in Johnson.

36:12.520 --> 36:17.120
In Johnson the court was not enacting a new map.

36:17.120 --> 36:19.840
The court was doing what it always does Justice Taylor.

36:19.840 --> 36:26.520
It was remedying a constitutional wrong of mal apportionment and going no further.

36:26.520 --> 36:33.320
And it was a standard that has no it's not embedded in Wisconsin law.

36:33.320 --> 36:39.560
It comes from a federal case which comes from an interpretation of voting rights act.

36:39.560 --> 36:44.320
There's just no I wasn't here when it was done but it seems disconnected.

36:44.320 --> 36:49.120
Your honor if the standard your honor is referring to as the least changes standard that's the

36:49.120 --> 36:54.600
approach the US Supreme Court has taken to redistricting cases always and for purposes

36:54.600 --> 36:59.720
of this congressional redistricting case certainly that standard is allowable under

36:59.720 --> 37:04.040
the elections clause lest this court rest from the legislature.

37:04.040 --> 37:05.040
It's the legislature.

37:05.040 --> 37:08.000
Who was supposed to change the least?

37:08.000 --> 37:09.000
Pardon?

37:09.000 --> 37:13.480
What was supposed to change the least and least change?

37:13.480 --> 37:17.960
For a mal apportionment case I think the way the opinion shook out in Johnson 2 for the

37:17.960 --> 37:20.120
congressional districts makes perfect sense.

37:20.120 --> 37:22.040
We looked at core retention scores.

37:22.040 --> 37:27.320
We moved the fewest number of people to repopulate with people the districts.

37:27.320 --> 37:32.200
Of course other parties in Johnson had differing arguments but your honor back to the first

37:32.200 --> 37:38.080
question whether or not your honor thought that was unworkable to use core retention

37:38.080 --> 37:45.120
a metric that you know legislators use all the time isn't the same as the argument plaintiffs

37:45.120 --> 37:51.440
have brought this court which is they are asking this court to hold it's not just unworkable.

37:51.480 --> 37:58.360
It's unconstitutional to defer to the legislature when remedying a mal apportionment claim.

37:58.360 --> 38:04.480
And I can think of a rule no better suited for an elections clause problem than to say

38:04.480 --> 38:09.280
in a mal apportionment case it's the courts and not the legislature that must decide what

38:09.280 --> 38:11.560
the political balance should be in districts.

38:11.560 --> 38:21.160
That is a really I think disingenuous reading of more right that's not what Moore said.

38:21.760 --> 38:30.240
Moore said that certainly state courts can utilize traditional principles of judicial

38:30.240 --> 38:35.080
review in reviewing the actions of their legislature.

38:35.080 --> 38:41.440
What we're not supposed to do is go outside the bounds of judicial review it's not our

38:41.440 --> 38:49.920
pot we do not make policy here we're not we don't consider that we consider the constitution

38:49.920 --> 38:54.640
and the text of our constitution and whether there's a constitutional harm.

38:54.640 --> 39:04.080
And that was very clearly stated in Moore in rucho itself the majority looks to state

39:04.080 --> 39:10.640
courts to address some of these issues of gerrymandered districts.

39:10.640 --> 39:18.000
So there's nothing unusual or strange about this court examining whether an act of the

39:18.000 --> 39:25.440
legislature causes a constitutional harm it's what we do every day it's our function.

39:25.440 --> 39:31.400
Well the elections clause point I was about how it would be a highly unusual to hold that

39:31.400 --> 39:37.640
this court is prohibited from using the last enacted maps as a starting point from using

39:37.640 --> 39:41.760
a lease changes approach because that's what the Supreme Court did in white it's what the

39:41.760 --> 39:45.800
Minnesota Supreme Court did in hip hurt in the Oklahoma case in the South Carolina case

39:45.800 --> 39:51.240
in the New Hampshire case I'm sure there are more and so that remedial approach would

39:51.240 --> 39:57.760
be highly unusual because the court isn't enacting a new map it's remedying mal apportionment

39:57.760 --> 40:04.320
in a lease changes way surely that's allowable under the elections clause now separate and

40:04.320 --> 40:10.960
apart from that as for the partisan gerrymandering claim no court has ever held to a final judgment

40:10.960 --> 40:15.440
that the map is a partisan gerrymandered or that or that partisan gerrymandering is

40:15.440 --> 40:21.600
a cognizable claim under the Wisconsin Constitution and so I do think it puts the cart before

40:21.600 --> 40:26.360
the horse to say plaintiffs have presented a constitutional harm partisan gerrymandering

40:26.360 --> 40:31.080
don't we have to remedy it first we have to ask have plaintiffs done the hard work to

40:31.080 --> 40:38.280
present this court with new text and new history and new reasons not already rejected in Johnson

40:38.280 --> 40:42.840
one okay I want to take you back to this already rejected in Johnson one Johnson one

40:42.840 --> 40:47.520
did not have the claim of extreme partisan gerrymandering in front of us what was in

40:47.520 --> 40:53.960
front of us was a map creating a map and the question that was asked is should this court

40:53.960 --> 41:00.360
in doing so consider partisanship that is very different question partisanship no one

41:00.360 --> 41:06.320
here is saying or thinking that you the partisanship doesn't come into play when we're make when

41:06.360 --> 41:11.920
the legislature makes maps of course it does we're talking about a claim that it has gone

41:11.920 --> 41:20.120
so far that extreme partisanship has gone so far so as to dilute the vote and and that

41:20.120 --> 41:26.560
claim can be the claim they're making the claim of that that can be found in our Constitution

41:26.560 --> 41:31.440
those important rights to democracy and the democracy principle that set forth in their

41:31.440 --> 41:36.720
briefs so when you sit here and say well we already decided in Johnson one I was there

41:36.720 --> 41:41.240
and we didn't decide it and they may have it may have been an opinion that the majority

41:41.240 --> 41:45.920
wrote and oftentimes things are in our opinions that aren't squarely in front of the court

41:45.920 --> 41:50.480
we give that what weight we give it but it was not an issue that has ever been brought

41:50.480 --> 41:55.440
to our court aside from as was pointed out we did not take a vehicle of an original action

41:55.440 --> 42:01.240
petition this case was filed in the circuit court just like every other case starts out

42:01.240 --> 42:07.880
in the circuit court and usually in our district so I want to push back on that and it seems

42:07.880 --> 42:14.200
like you're giving an awful lot of reliance on a couple of statements a couple of paragraphs

42:14.200 --> 42:18.520
about an issue that was not squarely in front of the court yes turn or sort of take one

42:18.520 --> 42:21.920
of your last points first and then to address the heart of what was an issue at Johnson

42:21.960 --> 42:26.560
one the fact that this case started in circuit court I actually think irrespective of a debate

42:26.560 --> 42:32.480
on partisan fairness is the easiest grounds to say while we might reconsider it or while

42:32.480 --> 42:37.800
we might consider it in another case we can't consider it in this case because this injunction

42:37.800 --> 42:43.560
exists by virtue of an exercise of our original jurisdiction and now a circuit court has been

42:43.560 --> 42:49.080
asked to put that injunction on trial and that turns upside down this the judicial

42:49.080 --> 42:54.040
are they being asked to issue a declaratory judgment and don't courts issue declaratory

42:54.040 --> 42:58.920
judgments all the time well initially no you're honored the complaints very clear they wanted

42:58.920 --> 43:03.640
the circuit court to enjoin this court's injunction and it's up to this court to decide whether it

43:03.640 --> 43:08.560
wishes that to continue not just in this case but in all future cases as for the declaratory

43:08.560 --> 43:14.240
judgment the same fundamental problem still persists fear like academically that sure sounds

43:14.240 --> 43:18.520
like an advisory proceeding because there's nothing that the court could do alongside the

43:18.520 --> 43:24.200
declaratory judgment to enjoin this court's injunction but so I know you want to make a

43:24.200 --> 43:30.080
second point but it sort of feels like what you would have your friends on the other side do is

43:30.080 --> 43:36.800
just taste chase their tails around indefinitely I mean they they have come at this several

43:36.800 --> 43:45.760
different ways to be to be fair they have asked for let's see reconsideration they filed a motion

43:45.760 --> 43:53.680
for relief from the judgment they filed an original action and then they filed the complaint

43:53.680 --> 44:03.280
and circuit court I may have left out something actually like I did I feel like it wouldn't matter

44:03.280 --> 44:07.480
which way they came at this you would say no that's not good enough and they have tried they have

44:07.480 --> 44:13.440
come at it like at least three or four different ways your honor I disagree I think they come they

44:13.600 --> 44:19.400
came at it with a motion for reconsideration or a motion for relief from judgment and I don't

44:19.400 --> 44:23.600
think there's any dispute that that's actually the most typical way for this court to address

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its pending or its final injunctions was to reopen Johnson itself then they came at it just like

44:29.600 --> 44:35.600
the Clark petitioners and asked this court to revisit its original jurisdiction injunction with

44:35.600 --> 44:42.080
another original jurisdiction action and and and that this court denied those requests doesn't

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mean that then we can invert the hierarchy of the judicial branch in this state and allow a circuit

44:46.640 --> 44:55.840
court to put your injunction on trial but it goes back to a justice I'm not seeing it it's it's a

44:55.840 --> 45:02.400
declaratory judgment well sure they would be declaring that this court acted unconstitutionally in 2022

45:02.400 --> 45:09.840
in Johnson too I I can find no authority and plaintiffs have pointed to no authority of any court any

45:09.920 --> 45:14.960
circuit court in this state having ever done so how about a certain trial court that declares

45:14.960 --> 45:22.160
something our court did did was unconstitutional in the criminal setting what if a trial court

45:22.160 --> 45:29.520
said what if there was a violation of the Constitution and we said it didn't occur and it goes back

45:29.520 --> 45:35.200
and we later learned that the council was ineffective and all of a sudden there's an issue in in front

45:35.280 --> 45:40.480
of the court I mean there's all there's a myriad of ways in which cases that we have found to be

45:41.680 --> 45:49.360
constitutional or that we have ruled on then are potentially later found otherwise I mean what

45:49.360 --> 45:53.760
you're basically saying is that once we decide something no one else can ever review it including

45:53.760 --> 45:59.040
us no you're honored this court can and while I don't want to devolve into a discussion of habeas

45:59.040 --> 46:03.920
what the what a habeas case is asking is actually for a separate writ they are not even talking

46:03.920 --> 46:08.240
habeas I'm just talking about ineffective assistance the council in our state I think I

46:08.240 --> 46:11.920
I could probably find cases where that's happened where this court has said that something was

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constitutional and it later turns out that actually it wasn't right there's a well trodden collateral

46:17.360 --> 46:21.840
attack often called writs of habeas corpus on final criminal judgments but that's not undoing

46:21.840 --> 46:27.280
the criminal judgment it's granting a writ of habeas corpus for purposes of this case your honor of

46:27.360 --> 46:33.840
course this court could exercise its original jurisdiction again if it wanted to just as it

46:33.840 --> 46:40.240
did in Clark so long as that original action was pursuant to the usual norms of judicial procedure

46:40.240 --> 46:47.440
so council let me just pick up on that point because if we were to find that there's a

46:47.520 --> 46:54.800
justiciable claim here and to remand it to the three-judge panel to take evidence and determine

46:54.800 --> 47:02.880
whether the illegal standard for that claim is met and to find a constitutional violation

47:04.000 --> 47:11.280
I'm just not following you in determining why it is that this this three-judge panel

47:12.080 --> 47:20.400
does not have a jurisdiction or the authority to hold such a trial and draw such a conclusion

47:20.400 --> 47:28.160
on the evidence based on something that was said in Johnson 2 in which such a claim was not squarely

47:28.160 --> 47:34.880
in front of the court can you answer that please yes your honor so first on the on the most

47:34.960 --> 47:41.280
fundamental procedural procedural point I'm not aware of a circuit court putting on trial a final

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injunction of this court in another case right the circuit court would have to read it's not

47:45.680 --> 47:51.680
putting an injunction on trial it is looking at the maps that are currently in place and making a

47:51.680 --> 47:59.200
determination about whether there's a partisan gerrymander in those maps an issue that this court did not

47:59.200 --> 48:05.280
consider because it had no evidence at that point of partisan gerrymandering why why are you

48:05.280 --> 48:12.080
saying that the wisconsin law or the wisconsin constitution would prohibit an examination of that

48:12.080 --> 48:20.000
issue now for maps that are going to be used for future elections well the the maps just to be

48:20.000 --> 48:26.080
very clear are in a fine they exist by they were adopted by this final judgment they were adopted

48:26.080 --> 48:33.840
by this court without consideration for whether the maps were created with the partisan gerrymander

48:33.840 --> 48:37.680
sure so to answer that question directly and justice dalot i apologize the heart of your

48:37.680 --> 48:43.680
question directly i too was here in johnson and and the parties were asked because some parties had

48:43.680 --> 48:50.080
raised whether the wisconsin constitution requires districts to be politically fair and the parties

48:50.080 --> 48:54.720
submitted as i mentioned over a hundred pages of briefing on that question and there are more

48:54.720 --> 49:02.560
than three dozen um paragraphs of legal analysis in the johnson one opinion about why we cannot

49:02.560 --> 49:08.400
find anywhere in the wisconsin constitution a right to political fairness and all the questions that

49:08.400 --> 49:13.840
such a right should it proceed in court cases would raise as opposed to should it proceed in the halls

49:13.840 --> 49:19.280
of congress with anti-partisan gerrymandering legislation and you don't see any any sunlight

49:19.360 --> 49:25.520
between a right to political fairness and a claim that that something is so unfair it is

49:25.520 --> 49:30.160
violated of our constitution political fairness sounds to me like you know what if you got a

49:30.160 --> 49:34.720
republican in charge they might draw the maps more a little more republican a democrat the same thing

49:35.440 --> 49:41.680
that is not how can that possibly be the same thing as this is so unfair it rises to a level of a

49:41.680 --> 49:46.160
constitutional harm which is extreme partisan gerrymandering which is what we're being asked

49:46.160 --> 49:51.520
about not political fairness well your honor again having litigated these cases the difference

49:51.520 --> 49:57.440
between the two is not clear and that is why you see states like florida saying we're just not

49:57.440 --> 50:02.400
considering it at all it's either considered it's there's either politics in the map or there's not

50:02.400 --> 50:08.640
but there's no way there's no way to assess in a judicially manageable way whether there's

50:08.640 --> 50:14.560
just enough politics but not too much because what that means is in the eye of the beholder absent

50:14.560 --> 50:19.200
some constitutional direction that this is too much and this is just enough it's like what

50:19.200 --> 50:24.640
you're asking us to do is to stick our hat in the sand and not your honor because it's not your

50:24.640 --> 50:31.040
honor it feels that way i am not your honor but i i sure i want i want to be emphatic about this

50:31.040 --> 50:36.480
this is the adversarial system and plaintiffs have to come to this court with arguments and history

50:36.480 --> 50:42.000
justice ballot just as you remarked in your concurrence in the mcmc case that maybe just maybe there's

50:42.000 --> 50:46.880
some history yet to be discovered out there that shows there's a right to partisan gerrymandering

50:46.880 --> 50:52.480
or shows there's this right living in wisconsin's equal protection clause but it's not there in these

50:52.480 --> 50:58.080
briefs and as much as it pains me to say it i would urge the court to compare these briefs to the

50:58.080 --> 51:04.000
briefs and clark and the arguments that led this court and clark that were historically rooted

51:04.000 --> 51:09.280
they grappled with old precedents that weren't about mortgages or farmland but about districts

51:09.360 --> 51:14.400
themselves and what continuity meant it helped that the words contiguity were there well your

51:14.400 --> 51:21.040
honor i was never going to be there i can't i can't concede that my contiguity argument is not

51:21.040 --> 51:27.440
one i still think about every day and i do think that but boy was not a well fought fight your

51:27.440 --> 51:32.800
honor and and it was there it was there and that is an express requirement in the constitution

51:33.360 --> 51:37.760
that this constitution isn't about

51:37.760 --> 51:43.120
constitution isn't about express requirements right the constitution is written broadly

51:43.120 --> 51:50.400
what you're talking about a document that came right after that in 1848 right and and it and it

51:50.400 --> 51:56.800
and it set broad principles that justice taylor has been talking about so it's it's not we don't

51:56.800 --> 52:01.680
look for every single it's it's not this isn't connecting the dots like can we find the word

52:01.680 --> 52:06.960
here and then it means something and if we don't find the exact word here the principle must not

52:06.960 --> 52:11.760
exist i think the legal scholars lay this out really well in their amicus brief i think justice

52:11.760 --> 52:16.160
pennielated out really well in his concurrence and cunning him which is that there are broad

52:16.160 --> 52:21.040
principles throughout the wisconsin constitution and not all of those principles allows this court

52:21.040 --> 52:26.720
to subject legislative action to strict scrutiny um in the mcgrail case about the ballots the

52:26.720 --> 52:31.600
legislative action was okay because it was reasonable even though it affected the right to vote

52:31.840 --> 52:37.520
and if we go back to 1848 the messy work of whether the what the district should look like

52:37.520 --> 52:42.960
was done by the political branches and the delegates and then later the people's representatives

52:42.960 --> 52:49.360
and so there's just no similar history that was it as was that issue in clark to allow this court

52:49.360 --> 52:56.480
or to to invite this court to step into that political thicket now i mean deciding what is fair

52:56.560 --> 53:02.640
whether it's extremely unfair or fair has plagued the federal courts for so long until we get to

53:02.640 --> 53:08.560
rucho and it's likewise plagued the state courts absent some bright light will show us something

53:08.560 --> 53:14.560
the fact that these issues have been raised repeatedly and that courts have struggled with

53:14.560 --> 53:22.240
them repeatedly doesn't that in some sense show that there is a problem there is a problem that

53:22.240 --> 53:29.440
is infecting you know our political landscape not just in wisconsin but probably across the country

53:29.440 --> 53:36.800
voters struggle with that i think any you could pick just about anybody off the street in wisconsin

53:36.800 --> 53:43.040
and ask them do you think a legislator legislators should be able to draw a map in a way that

53:43.040 --> 53:48.960
locks in a particular political party they would say no doesn't it show us that there is some

53:49.040 --> 53:54.000
underlying problem there the fact that courts have struggled with this for decades now i i think

53:54.000 --> 53:59.360
two things are true at once the that they're there some voters could think there is a problem

53:59.360 --> 54:03.600
and that courts have struggled with it so much means that the that it's not the courts problem

54:03.600 --> 54:09.760
to solve and instead it's been congress's problem to solve for example in the 1840s when congress

54:09.760 --> 54:15.840
required single member congressional districts as a bulwark to gerrymandering it's a problem for

54:15.840 --> 54:21.360
voters to solve with fair districts amendments it's a problem for congress potentially to solve

54:21.360 --> 54:27.840
now later on it's congress is constantly asked by the way to pass legislation to eliminate partisan

54:27.840 --> 54:33.120
gerrymandering congress passed and it's a hard thing to accomplish when you have a gerrymandered

54:33.600 --> 54:38.320
body but let me just turn to another point i want to return to a point you made a few minutes ago

54:38.320 --> 54:46.400
about distinguishing our case from other courts that have found a justiciable claim for partisan

54:46.400 --> 54:52.640
gerrymandering such as new mexico and it seemed to me you were leaning pretty heavily into the fact

54:52.640 --> 54:59.120
that the new mexico constitution just as one example has a explicit clause protecting free

54:59.120 --> 55:05.280
and equal elections i know i think the new mexico case rests on their equal protection clause and

55:05.280 --> 55:09.840
there it was a different state that you had sovania in north carolina okay thank you

55:10.560 --> 55:17.280
in any event point i wanted to raise is is it your belief that because the wisconsin constitution

55:17.280 --> 55:23.760
lacks an explicit clause protecting fair and equal elections that therefore the wisconsin

55:23.760 --> 55:31.520
constitution has no protection for fair and equal elections no your honor that's not our position

55:31.600 --> 55:40.480
because clearly constitutions are generally composed of broad principles and this constitution in

55:40.480 --> 55:49.280
wisconsin is replete with phrases that point to the importance of popular sovereignty the consent

55:49.280 --> 55:58.480
of the governed correct correct so how is that different in substance than another state constitution

55:58.560 --> 56:07.280
that includes a clause such as fair and equal elections aren't those protections inherent

56:07.280 --> 56:15.440
in the clauses that protect popular sovereignty in wisconsin i well as i mentioned before there

56:15.440 --> 56:20.960
is a unique history to a free and equal elections clause and what those were the the evils that

56:20.960 --> 56:26.880
were perpetuated before america that those were meant to guard against specific to voting in elections

56:27.440 --> 56:32.640
but in wisconsin just as everywhere else for these federal congressional districts

56:32.640 --> 56:37.920
there is an absolute equality requirement at this point you know this court was asked to

56:37.920 --> 56:43.040
to entertain an original action last year because the congressional districts deviated by one

56:43.040 --> 56:51.520
additional person and as this court said in cunning him that that that promise of equality

56:51.520 --> 56:58.080
of an equally weighted vote that is how people effectuate their right to vote that is how votes

56:58.080 --> 57:04.800
are not diluted and of course wisconsin protects that and also through our separation of powers

57:04.800 --> 57:10.720
wisconsin protects the right to vote the founders assigned congressional redistricting power to

57:10.720 --> 57:15.440
the legislature and keeping with the people's representatives who are closest to them the

57:15.440 --> 57:20.080
legislature now in these territorial districts can carry out the will of the people

57:21.680 --> 57:28.160
now as for port struggling with this justice crofford i think it's very telling that even

57:28.160 --> 57:34.480
coming here today council equivocated about what their test would be and if council can't identify

57:34.480 --> 57:39.680
what their test would be to me that's proof positive that there is no judicially manageable

57:39.680 --> 57:44.160
standard hiding i would i would i would agree with you it's frustrating that they have an

57:44.160 --> 57:51.040
articulated a test and i certainly wish they would have that being said um let's talk about workability

57:51.040 --> 57:58.480
going forward in the event that we find um both of the claims both the partisan and anti-competitive

57:58.480 --> 58:05.840
gerrymandering cognizable what are your thoughts about consolidating the gerrymandering claims

58:06.400 --> 58:14.320
and having just one trial um again it's inconceivable to me that there could be a trial in this posture

58:14.320 --> 58:19.840
but but to take your question you know assuming all of that of course i think the cases would need

58:19.840 --> 58:24.720
to be consolidated um i've participated other councils can participated in for example the

58:24.720 --> 58:30.000
alabama congressional redistricting case those were consolidated at the trial court for purposes

58:30.000 --> 58:36.720
of trial proceedings um and again i can't really conceive of how you have a new injunction in joining

58:36.720 --> 58:41.920
this courts injunction but of course you only want to do that one time versus two times and so they

58:41.920 --> 58:47.760
should proceed together um but i don't want to lose sight of my latches point two we're talking

58:47.840 --> 58:54.400
about a lot of procedure a lot of costs and we are well over halfway into the decennial

58:54.960 --> 59:00.000
and as federal courts and other courts have held or the Illinois Supreme Court just held

59:00.800 --> 59:05.840
sometimes plaintiffs are just too late because congressional districts that the census is about

59:05.840 --> 59:12.160
to come and in the the prejudice here well let me start with the delay i think should is clear

59:12.160 --> 59:18.160
from Brennan plaintiffs waited arguably 15 years to challenge act 44 is unconstitutional

59:18.160 --> 59:21.680
they waited four and a half years since the or they waited three years since the congressional

59:21.680 --> 59:26.320
districts were settled but i do want to point to the prejudice point uh or i do want to

59:26.320 --> 59:30.160
discuss the prejudice point just as pro to say what's because it goes to the trial and everything

59:30.160 --> 59:35.840
will that be costly absolutely but what's also costly and what's recognized in these cases we've

59:35.840 --> 59:42.480
cited on our latches argument is the ensuing cost to the state to the counties and to voters

59:43.040 --> 59:48.400
should this court agree that the congressional districts need to change again maybe it's before

59:48.400 --> 59:53.520
the 2028 elections or the 2030 elections and then of course the congressional districts will change

59:53.520 --> 59:59.760
again in 2032 well can't the congressional maps change anytime how how can your latches argument

59:59.760 --> 01:00:03.200
a

