WEBVTT

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Okay.

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It does look like a problem.

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Yeah.

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Good morning everyone.

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I'm Matt and I'm just going to go to Marshall.

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This is a few minutes since I've been facing there.

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I'm going to please be sure to go check and call around the site.

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There's a little bit of a protocol.

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If you've had any comment or food, it's not allowed with an ear ear.

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It's not put that way or anything like that.

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The water is okay.

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Other than that, food is right.

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When the dust has come out.

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So we are talking about greenhouse.

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We're talking about food.

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We've got one example.

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There's a little bit of this.

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Any questions?

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Oh, this is the ear.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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There's a little bit of this.

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the

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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Okay.

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I think that's a good experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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That's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that's a great experience.

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I think that would be an brand new thing.

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I think that would be an

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awesome experience this year.

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I know.

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Isn't it really fun now?

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I know.

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It's fun now.

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It ends actually while the store is asleep.

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This is what we are doing in our Engineering experience.

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I'm hearting a lot of people.

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They wouldn't have had a lot of time to do that.

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I would like to thank you very much for that.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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All rise.

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Harry Harry Harry.

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The Wisconsin Supreme Court is now in session.

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The honorable Chief Justice Joe Kiroshki-Pursady.

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Your silence is in.

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Good morning everybody.

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Go ahead and have a seat.

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Welcome to everybody.

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I just want to go through a couple of administrative things before we start today.

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Number one, Justice Dowd is having a speaker issue.

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Not to get too personal.

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So we've turned the volume up on the sound system.

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I think it's, I hope it's loud enough.

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You just be really mindful of that when you're at the podium and you're speaking into the

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speaker.

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And if we can't hear you, I might just stop you and say, please raise the volume a little

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bit.

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Or as I would say to my kids, use your inside scream.

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The second thing, as it relates to timing, there's a number of you that are arguing on

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this side of the table, especially, I want to make sure that everyone gets their questions

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answered and that you have a chance to answer those questions without feeling unduly rushed.

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So we'll use the lights as guide posts, but we won't have strict adherence to them within

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reason.

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Having said that, we may go over the time.

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I'm going to be mindful of what time it is on the clock and take breaks.

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I want to try to mitigate misery in this room as much as possible for everyone involved.

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So if I stop you in the middle, I'm going to try to stop anyone in the middle of a point

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or an argument, but it's possible that it might stop you in the middle of your argument

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depending on where we are, I'm just letting you know that ahead of time, just because

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I want to be able to try to keep it pretty close to 90 minutes.

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I think that is all I have preliminarily, so the first case that we have today is Elizabeth

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Bothfeld versus the Wisconsin Elections Commission, and may I please have the appearances?

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And I believe you're appearing pro-hakviche, yes, okay.

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Welcome to the Wisconsin State Bar for the purposes of today's hearing.

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Good morning, and welcome to the Wisconsin State Bar for the purposes of today's hearing.

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Good morning, and this is what I have for timing, at least according to my sheet, is

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25 minutes followed by 10, 10, 10, and then back to you for five.

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All right, we are ready when you are.

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Thank you, Your Honors.

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Good morning, Madam Chief Justice, and may it please the court.

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Wisconsin's congressional map was adopted based on the methodology that this court has

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since overruled.

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The map is therefore unlawful.

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The Bothfeld plaintiff's separation of powers claim rests on three basic pillars that have

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already been established by this court.

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One, the map was adopted pursuant to a least change mandate.

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This court said so in Johnson 2, where it selected the map because it quote, most complies

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with our least change directive.

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Two, least change is no longer good law.

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This court said so in Clark, where it explained that least change is incompatible with the

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judiciary's institutional obligations of neutrality and independence and expressly overruled

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any portions of Johnson that mandate a least change approach.

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And three, this court has the power to right this wrong.

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Clark itself rejected virtually identical procedural obstacles and objections that

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interveners advance here and confirmed that this court can and should require a lawful

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replacement for an unlawful court-drawn map going forward.

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Council, I want to take you from Johnson 2 to Johnson 1, okay?

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Are you asking us to overturn Johnson 1?

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I believe this court has already overruled the basis of Johnson 1, the least change map

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that was the direction from Johnson 1, and it also overturned the map that was drawn pursuant

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to that, I think by the logic, because it overturned the logic of the least change map,

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we are now asking the court to finish that job and actually apply that to the ongoing

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injunction that applies for congressional districts.

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So some of us might think maybe Johnson 1 was only addressed in part.

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Do you want to go on with that argument and tell us why you think it's already been overturned?

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I mean, I think what this court did not mince any words in Clark when it said, we are here

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by overruling any portion of Johnson 1, 2, or 3, that mandates a least change approach.

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So there was nothing, there's nothing ambiguous about what it was doing when it talked about

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wherever you find least change, whether it was mandated in Johnson 1 or adhered to in

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Johnson 2, all of that has been overruled by this court.

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So now the question is where you have just a single least change map left standing.

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There's only one least change map left standing in Wisconsin.

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Are we going with that map?

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Is essentially resting on legal quicksand.

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Let me push on that, Council.

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So that's not what Clark said.

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Clark did not say that least change could not be applied, right?

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Would you agree with that?

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Clark said that least change could be considered as part of traditional districting criteria,

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but it could not be the mandate that overarches or drives the drawing of the map.

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The court said it was overruled to the extent it was mandated as the methodology.

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Did not say that least change was always an impermissible methodology.

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Isn't that right?

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Correct, John, I did not.

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So that means that Johnson 1, that the holding in Johnson 1 is still good, that doesn't disturb

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that at all.

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There's nothing about Clark that overturned the use of least change as methodology.

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Clark just doesn't control that.

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It's true that this court decided it was going to adopt a different remedial program for

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a new map in Clark if it ever got there, which it never did, but it didn't disturb the use

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of it or say that that was somehow illegal.

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That's a different argument you're making here today than was addressed in Clark, wouldn't

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you say?

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I believe that this court actually did explain why least change was not just wrong in principle

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or policy, but wrong as a matter of law.

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So let me talk a little bit about you frame your argument as a purely separation of powers

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argument.

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Would you agree that the United States Constitution gives the power to the legislature to draft

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congressional districts?

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It does.

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It primarily gives that power to the legislative branches and to the political process, but

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the political process failed this decade and has not been able to produce an inactive

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map.

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I understand that, right?

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But your argument is premised on the idea that in order to vindicate the separation

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of powers, the judiciary needs to take for itself the power that has been constitutionally

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given to the legislature, because when we did least change, as you acknowledge, we were

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deferring to the last democratically enacted maps that were put into law, right?

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So they were based on the 2011 maps, which were passed by the legislature, signed by

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the governor.

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They're in the statute books.

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In fact, they're still there.

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They were still enacted law.

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In this court said, we're going to defer to the policy judgments of the legislature.

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We're not going to put our own policy judgments there.

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Which the United States Constitution says that's the legislature's prerogative to do that.

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And you're saying it's a violation of the separation of powers for this court to not

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take that power for itself, but to defer to the legislature?

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That is quite a creative argument to me.

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In your honor, it's only a creative in the sense that this court has already made that

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argument in Clark.

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So two points in response to your question, your honor.

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One is the court did not take any redistricting power here.

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The redistricting power was given, was assigned to this court because the political process

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failed.

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This court had no choice but to engage in judicial redistricting.

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Your argument is that when this court deferred to the decision of the legislature, that it

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violated the separation of powers, when the Constitution gives those powers to the legislature

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in the first instance.

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And your honor, my argument is that Clark has already made that holding.

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So when this court, in all of this court's debate about the least changed principle and

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the consideration of partisan effects, the conversation has stemmed around, has centered

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on what is the judiciary's role in redistricting, vis-a-vis the other political branches.

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And in Johnson One, the court specifically invoked separation of powers to justify the

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least change approach and argue that it was necessary to preserve the institutional legitimacy

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of the court.

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In Justice Dallas, Dallas dissent in Johnson One, the dissent also argued against least

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change, again using the terms of separation of powers, saying that this court cannot start

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with the prior maps and maintain judicial neutrality consistent with our role as a nonpartisan

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institution.

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So when Clark came in and talked about, well, now what is given, what we've now, what the

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court ruled in Clark, what is the court's role in redistricting when it is, when the

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task falls to it, and Clark made very clear, and if the court will allow, if I can just

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quote from paragraph 71 of Clark, it speaks in the terms of separation of powers.

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It bears repeating that courts can and should hold themselves to a different standard than

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the legislature regarding the partisanship of remedial maps.

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As a politically neutral and independent institution, we will take care to avoid selecting remedial

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maps designed to advantage one political party over another.

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Importantly, however, it is not possible to remain neutral and independent by failing

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to consider partisan impact entirely.

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By the very terms of Clark that I just read your honor, it was not possible for this court

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to abide by the judiciary's twin duties of neutrality and independence by applying least

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change and adopting all the partisan effects of the previous map and not considering its

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own role in redistricting.

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So least change, do you think least change is always problematic?

23:35.760 --> 23:39.880
So for example, let's say you weren't here challenging the congressional maps, but you

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were here challenging the legislative districts that have now been recently enacted into law.

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So if we applied least change to that, we would defer to the recently enacted maps that were

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signed into law.

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When passed by the Republican legislature signed by the Democratic governor, lots of fighting,

23:59.800 --> 24:03.520
obviously this court got in the middle of all that with Clark.

24:03.520 --> 24:09.320
But your argument would, that would be unconstitutional to simply defer to the policy choices of the

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legislature and signed by the governor with regard to legislative maps.

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Well, our argument is that blind deference is unconstitutional and in contrary to the

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principles in Clark.

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In the example that your honor mentioned, where there is actually a legislative enactment

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to consider and defer to, courts have often held in the redistricting context that you

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can defer to the policy choices of the legislature to the extent they don't otherwise violate

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the law.

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Now here, there was no policy choice of the legislature in effect.

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The old map had expired, everybody came into this court and agreed that it was no longer

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operative law, and the question was, what is there left to defer to?

24:47.960 --> 24:51.720
Well, that's not, the maps don't expire.

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It was declared unconstitutional to the extent it was no longer reflecting proportion of

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population, which United States mandate is required.

24:59.920 --> 25:03.320
The Wisconsin Constitution says nothing about congressional redistricting.

25:03.320 --> 25:05.560
It's still law, it's still in the books, it didn't go away.

25:05.560 --> 25:10.200
The only thing we were trying to do was remedy a constitutional wrong, which was simply proportional

25:10.200 --> 25:11.280
representation.

25:11.280 --> 25:15.040
There was no, there's no expiration date on the law.

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I mean, as a matter of federal constitutional law, that map could not remain in effect going

25:19.960 --> 25:20.960
forward.

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There was a constitutional sunset, and every party that came into this court acknowledged

25:24.360 --> 25:25.360
that.

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And when this court remedied the malapportionment violation, our argument is that per the discussion

25:30.600 --> 25:35.360
in Clark and per the holding in Clark, it ended up creating a brand new legal violation

25:35.360 --> 25:41.240
by really veering outside the judicial lane of neutrality and independence by adhering

25:41.240 --> 25:45.640
to a previous legislature's policy views and failing to consider the part as an impact

25:45.640 --> 25:46.640
of its own decision.

25:46.640 --> 25:47.640
So, Council, I'm going to talk.

25:47.640 --> 25:48.640
I was going to-

25:48.640 --> 25:51.040
It's just to take it or instill going?

25:51.040 --> 25:53.040
No, but I was going to-

25:53.040 --> 25:54.040
Okay.

25:54.040 --> 25:55.040
Council, I have a question.

25:55.040 --> 25:59.080
I'm going to pull you back to Johnson One, okay?

25:59.080 --> 26:03.240
And I think that there's clearly a difference of opinion as to whether or not Johnson One

26:03.240 --> 26:05.440
has been overruled.

26:05.440 --> 26:11.040
Let's assume for the sake of this argument right now that it has not.

26:11.040 --> 26:16.840
Are you asking us then to overrule Johnson One regarding partisan gerrymandering?

26:16.840 --> 26:19.280
Yes or no?

26:19.280 --> 26:23.720
So I want to make very clear, Your Honor, that we have two claims before this court.

26:23.720 --> 26:24.720
We know.

26:24.720 --> 26:27.720
So, claimed on is the separation of powers claim, which I think we've been talking about here.

26:27.720 --> 26:33.160
And when I talk about overruling what Clark has overruled in Johnson, it's expressly overruled

26:33.160 --> 26:36.120
the least changed principle in Johnson about how to remedy it.

26:36.120 --> 26:37.600
Let's talk about the partisan gerrymandering claim.

26:37.600 --> 26:41.960
So the question about the partisan gerrymandering claim, which is our alternative claim.

26:41.960 --> 26:46.520
Our argument there is that there was never actually a holding in Johnson One about partisan

26:46.520 --> 26:50.000
gerrymandering saying that it is or is not just dishable.

26:50.000 --> 26:54.480
And that is because there was no partisan gerrymandering claim before Johnson One.

26:54.480 --> 26:59.120
While the court does, I believe in paragraph eight of Johnson One, say that it is not a

26:59.120 --> 27:04.720
cognizable claim, that portion of Johnson One garnered only three votes from this court

27:04.720 --> 27:06.840
and was not a majority opinion.

27:06.840 --> 27:11.680
The only majority opinion from this court on the issue of partisan gerrymandering was

27:11.680 --> 27:16.760
in Clark when the court specifically said that partisan gerrymandering remains an important

27:16.760 --> 27:19.720
and unresolved issue of Wisconsin law.

27:19.720 --> 27:24.680
And it specifically said it was not deciding whether or not such claims were just dishable.

27:24.680 --> 27:28.920
So there is nothing, I don't believe there's anything in Johnson to overturn and to the

27:28.920 --> 27:33.600
extent that there was, Clark has already done it by making the this court's holding clear.

27:34.000 --> 27:42.800
All right, well, I'm looking at the congressman's brief, specifically pages 42, 43, 44.

27:42.800 --> 27:51.520
When I look at page 43, the second full paragraph, it talks about that it's unsurprising that

27:51.520 --> 27:56.760
nothing in this court's precedent establishes judicially manageable standards to adjudicate

27:56.760 --> 28:00.040
the plaintiffs' partisan gerrymandering claims.

28:00.040 --> 28:03.480
And then some pretty compelling arguments are made.

28:03.480 --> 28:05.280
Can you please respond to those?

28:05.280 --> 28:09.080
So there's kind of two issues when it comes to partisan gerrymandering.

28:09.080 --> 28:11.680
One is has this court already kind of closed the door on that?

28:11.680 --> 28:13.160
Our answer to that is no.

28:13.160 --> 28:14.560
This court's answer to that is no.

28:14.560 --> 28:17.000
And Clark had said it was an unresolved legal issue.

28:17.000 --> 28:20.920
And then the next question is, well, now that it is unresolved, how should we resolve

28:20.920 --> 28:21.920
it?

28:21.920 --> 28:25.080
Is it a legally cognizable claim that has judicially manageable standards?

28:25.080 --> 28:28.000
And our answer to that is absolutely yes.

28:28.000 --> 28:32.840
The fact that the Supreme Court, the US Supreme Court has said that it's not just dishable

28:32.840 --> 28:37.240
under federal law does not make, undeclate that it's not just dishable under state law.

28:37.240 --> 28:42.000
Ten other state courts have found partisan gerrymandering, just dishable, under constitutional

28:42.000 --> 28:46.080
provisions very similar to the ones that we rely upon here in Wisconsin.

28:46.080 --> 28:50.920
There's no reason why Wisconsin could not adopt that, any one of those models that the

28:50.920 --> 28:55.200
other state courts have adopted to make sure that it is protecting what is in Wisconsin

28:55.200 --> 29:01.040
a far more robust right to democratic self-governance than is provided in the US Constitution.

29:01.040 --> 29:04.880
Do those other states have the same constitutional language?

29:04.880 --> 29:10.640
Many of them do, your honor, for instance, in states like Pennsylvania and North Carolina,

29:10.640 --> 29:15.720
they had what we called free and equal elections clauses, which are very similar to the provisions

29:15.720 --> 29:18.360
that we cite here, specifically the free government clause.

29:18.360 --> 29:23.120
And in other states, such as New Mexico or Alaska, they rely on their state equal protection

29:23.120 --> 29:24.120
clauses.

29:24.120 --> 29:30.320
And here in Article 1 of the Wisconsin Constitution, we're looking at Section 1, 3, 4, and 22,

29:30.320 --> 29:34.840
equal protection, free speech, free association, and free government provisions.

29:34.840 --> 29:41.440
All of these provide independent and combined bases to find this fundamental principle of

29:41.440 --> 29:43.080
democratic self-governance.

29:43.080 --> 29:47.080
And all of them provide a basis to say that partisan gerrymandering is antithetical to

29:47.080 --> 29:48.640
those fundamental principles.

29:48.640 --> 29:53.440
So going back to that, then do you conceive of Article 1, Section 1 of the Wisconsin

29:53.440 --> 29:57.520
Constitution as an equal protection provision?

29:57.600 --> 29:58.600
I do, your honor.

29:58.600 --> 30:03.360
I think we've been viewing the idea that the citizens are entitled to equal treatment

30:03.360 --> 30:07.560
under the law and cannot be arbitrarily treated based on their viewpoint, based on their

30:07.560 --> 30:12.720
residence, and that's how we are envisioning this claim as well, in addition to the free.

30:12.720 --> 30:15.800
Do we then need to consider tiers of scrutiny?

30:15.800 --> 30:20.800
I believe under this courts, so look, there are many ways that this court can, yes, so

30:20.800 --> 30:24.520
if this court is going to conceive of this solely as an equal protection violation, then

30:24.560 --> 30:27.480
you're going to have to think about what are the appropriate tiers of scrutiny.

30:27.480 --> 30:31.200
But then again, but here again, there are many models for how to do this.

30:31.200 --> 30:35.720
Justice Kagan's dissent in Rucho, which was then the same model was followed in states

30:35.720 --> 30:40.760
like New Mexico and Alaska, where she basically provides a fundamental equal protection analysis.

30:40.760 --> 30:46.440
Let's look at predominance when it comes to partisan vote dilution, the predominant

30:46.440 --> 30:52.360
purpose, was that in fact the effect of the map, and is there any legislative justification

30:52.400 --> 30:57.640
outside of sheer partisan dominance that would justify the configuration of these districts?

30:57.640 --> 31:00.560
Is that the test that you're asking us to adopt?

31:00.560 --> 31:05.720
So we are not pressing one specific test, we believe that this court has at its disposal,

31:05.720 --> 31:08.320
the opportunity to look at any different, any model that it wants.

31:08.320 --> 31:12.360
We have specifically pointed to the model from Pennsylvania, which is more of a traditional

31:12.360 --> 31:17.800
subordination test and effects based test, but that is not the only way to map onto this

31:17.800 --> 31:18.800
claim.

31:18.800 --> 31:22.480
But based on the one that's in New Mexico, based on the one that's in Justice Kagan's

31:22.480 --> 31:26.640
dissent, what are you recommending that we do?

31:26.640 --> 31:30.760
What we have recommended in our papers is the test that's provided in Pennsylvania.

31:30.760 --> 31:36.400
We think that's the most clear, it's a traditional subordination test, the extent to which traditional

31:36.400 --> 31:40.940
districting principles have been subordinated to partisan advantage and partisan gain.

31:40.940 --> 31:45.600
And the court has many in Pennsylvania, outlines a number of tools that courts can use as

31:45.640 --> 31:49.840
both direct and circumstantial evidence to decide whether or not, essentially, the way

31:49.840 --> 31:55.720
the map is drawn, stacks the deck in favor of one party or another to an extreme degree,

31:55.720 --> 31:59.880
such that the decision is essentially made before a single ballot has been cast.

31:59.880 --> 32:08.080
So if I'm understanding that method, are you only looking at a single map, or are as

32:08.080 --> 32:13.600
opposed to if I think about Justice Kagan's dissent in Rucho, or if she's talking about

32:13.600 --> 32:17.560
looking at, I think she uses an example of a thousand maps, and looking at where they

32:17.560 --> 32:24.000
are on the curve, I'm not quite understanding if you adopt the punch of, if you're asking

32:24.000 --> 32:26.760
us to adopt the punch of any model, if we adopt that model, what does that look like

32:26.760 --> 32:27.760
exactly?

32:27.760 --> 32:32.600
Are we just looking at the one map that is in front of us, or are we comparing it to

32:32.600 --> 32:33.600
other maps?

32:33.600 --> 32:37.240
So absolutely your honor, so obviously there's only one map in front of the court when it

32:37.240 --> 32:42.400
comes to what we are, how we can prove that, how somebody can prove a partisan gerrymandering

32:42.400 --> 32:45.600
claim, there are many different evidentiary ways to do that.

32:45.600 --> 32:50.960
One of those that's typically used in partisan gerrymandering claims is this, the simulations

32:50.960 --> 32:51.960
approach, right?

32:51.960 --> 32:57.400
The using multiple maps to show would this ever have occurred based on the political, natural

32:57.400 --> 33:02.320
political geography of the state, or was there some undue partisan intent that really was

33:02.320 --> 33:03.320
skewing the map?

33:03.320 --> 33:06.400
Well I understand that, but if I understand the Pennsylvania model, you're looking at

33:06.400 --> 33:12.280
the map that is created and you're saying, has it been, has the, we're, if you're rank

33:12.280 --> 33:17.040
ordering why you, why you created the map you did, is it subordinate to the constitutional

33:17.040 --> 33:18.600
requirements or is it not?

33:18.600 --> 33:23.280
I'm asking, are you just looking at that one map and at those requirements as it relates

33:23.280 --> 33:24.280
to that one map?

33:24.280 --> 33:27.760
I understand that you can look at a thousand maps, I understand you can look, we could

33:27.760 --> 33:32.080
look at more than that, right, easily today.

33:32.080 --> 33:37.520
But I'm not, I just want to make sure I understand how you envision that process, how that process,

33:37.520 --> 33:41.880
if we adopted it, would work in the trial court in this case.

33:41.880 --> 33:45.280
So I think the way it would work following the Pennsylvania model, which by the way is

33:45.280 --> 33:49.760
spelled out really chapter and verse in that opinion, is that the court would essentially

33:49.760 --> 33:56.160
look at the traditional districting criteria, the objective political geography of the state

33:56.240 --> 34:01.880
and ask, to what extent do the district lines veer from the traditional districting, to

34:01.880 --> 34:07.760
subordinate those, those traditional districting principles in service of some part as an advantage.

34:07.760 --> 34:12.080
And the way you answer that question is by looking at evidence from computer simulation

34:12.080 --> 34:16.720
maps, looking at statistics like the efficiency gap that shows wasted votes.

34:16.720 --> 34:21.160
There are a number of models at the Supreme Court in Pennsylvania recognized that are able

34:21.160 --> 34:25.080
to provide that evidence so we know what we're looking for when we're looking at this one

34:25.080 --> 34:26.080
map.

34:26.080 --> 34:33.720
So I'm advocating for that instead of the intent, effects and causation test that Justice

34:33.720 --> 34:36.800
Kagan talked about in her Rucho descent.

34:36.800 --> 34:41.560
So Your Honor, I don't want to overstate our advocacy for one model over another.

34:41.560 --> 34:47.920
At this point, our number one argument is that this court can strike down this map as a matter

34:47.920 --> 34:51.480
of law based on the law, it's already drafted in Clark.

34:51.480 --> 34:55.560
But if the court decides to go down the partisan gerrymandering route, our argument there is

34:55.560 --> 34:59.800
that that is actually, that is not, that is a traditional route that many states have

34:59.800 --> 35:00.800
followed.

35:00.800 --> 35:04.320
And this court can choose whatever it deems to be the best test that it sounds fit.

35:04.320 --> 35:08.120
So I have suggested the Pennsylvania one, I believe that that the way that model has worked

35:08.120 --> 35:09.880
out is very clear.

35:09.880 --> 35:13.800
But the one that is provided by Justice Kagan's descent and has been used in states like New

35:13.800 --> 35:19.160
Mexico is equally justiciable, is it standard, that is easily comprehended by courts and

35:19.160 --> 35:20.840
applied by courts at all levels.

35:20.920 --> 35:29.400
Yeah, I don't want to overstate the importance to us of figuring out which path we should

35:29.400 --> 35:32.160
take in order to get this right.

35:32.160 --> 35:38.720
So, Council, can I pull you, are you, I'm sorry, are you?

35:38.720 --> 35:39.720
I was just musing.

35:39.720 --> 35:44.840
You were just musing, okay, that's what we do periodically, you'll notice.

35:44.840 --> 35:51.520
I would like to get back to the concept of justiciability, say that 20 times fast,

35:51.520 --> 35:56.440
and look at our Constitution, what our Constitution says.

35:56.440 --> 36:03.320
And you look at Article 1, Section 1, that people are sovereign, that government has

36:03.320 --> 36:09.600
no power except through the consent of the governed.

36:10.480 --> 36:19.040
We are interested as a state court in looking at these maps as whether they present a constitutional

36:19.040 --> 36:26.440
harm to these principles of self-representation, of sovereignty of the people of the state

36:26.440 --> 36:31.360
of Wisconsin, which is some through lines, throughout our Constitution, it's a beautiful

36:31.360 --> 36:39.080
Constitution with very rich words, and it makes very clear that the people have the power,

36:39.080 --> 36:41.600
not the politicians, it is the people.

36:41.600 --> 36:49.080
So, when we're looking at justiciability, why we are so focused on what test do we apply,

36:49.080 --> 36:54.520
assuming it's cognizable, right, assuming this claim, and you're saying it is, because

36:54.520 --> 36:59.520
of these provisions in our state Constitution, so we have equal protection.

36:59.520 --> 37:01.600
We have inherent rights.

37:01.600 --> 37:08.240
We have free speech, the right to assembly, this court has a role in remedying wrongs.

37:08.800 --> 37:11.760
So, what else are we looking at in terms of a test?

37:11.760 --> 37:16.520
We have, you've identified, there's these different tests out there, ten states have

37:16.520 --> 37:19.040
adopted some form of these tests.

37:19.040 --> 37:23.520
We certainly want to make sure the test is manageable.

37:23.520 --> 37:26.680
We want to make sure it's neutral.

37:26.680 --> 37:33.040
But what other guidance do you suggest this court looked to when we are measuring whether

37:33.040 --> 37:37.160
this map presents a constitutional harm?

37:37.200 --> 37:41.640
I believe your honor, and I appreciate exactly what you said, I agree that the Wisconsin

37:41.640 --> 37:46.720
Constitution makes no mistake that democratic self-governance is the very foundation.

37:46.720 --> 37:52.760
And so, there is a wrong under with the Wisconsin Constitution that requires a remedy if the

37:52.760 --> 37:55.360
court decides to go down the partisan gerrymandering approach.

37:55.360 --> 38:00.800
And when it comes to what the test can be, like I said, we have advocated for the Pennsylvania

38:00.800 --> 38:05.720
approach, which we believe is actually the most straightforward and easily easy to administer,

38:05.720 --> 38:09.800
but I'm not trying to dissuade the court from what I think is also a straightforward

38:09.800 --> 38:10.800
and easy to administer.

38:10.800 --> 38:15.320
Well, let me ask you about that, because if you look at New Mexico, which I would say

38:15.320 --> 38:23.440
has some very similar provisions on the sovereignty of the people, on the government having to

38:23.440 --> 38:30.280
have the consent of the governed, they also apply a causation piece.

38:30.280 --> 38:34.440
And that is because we recognize, I don't think anybody on this panel would say, the

38:34.440 --> 38:38.000
state does not, that nobody would dispute.

38:38.000 --> 38:44.640
The state has an important constitutional role in redistricting.

38:44.640 --> 38:50.720
And so, isn't it, shouldn't it, wouldn't it be prudent of us to not just apply intent

38:50.720 --> 38:56.000
effects, but then to give the state the opportunity to present, if there is a legitimate interest

38:56.000 --> 39:00.960
that perhaps we're not thinking of, because that recognizes that the state does have important

39:00.960 --> 39:02.800
role in redistricting.

39:02.840 --> 39:06.320
I agree with that, Your Honor, and I think this court's equal protection jurisprudence

39:06.320 --> 39:09.960
makes clear that the question would then be posed to the state, is there a legitimate

39:09.960 --> 39:14.160
interest that justifies this deviation?

39:14.160 --> 39:18.520
And I think actually under either test that this court adopts, the state would be given

39:18.520 --> 39:24.240
that opportunity to prove that, no, no, what you're seeing from the data and from the evidence

39:24.240 --> 39:29.280
is not the result of partisan gamesmanship, but is actually the result of some other legitimate

39:29.280 --> 39:30.280
criteria.

39:30.280 --> 39:32.080
I believe that the state would have that ability.

39:32.120 --> 39:37.080
I don't think that the, I think either of these tests are difficult for plaintiffs to

39:37.080 --> 39:43.000
prove intentionally difficult, and, but I think ultimately manageable for the court to decide

39:43.000 --> 39:47.360
to make sure that it's not just striking down maps willy nilly, but is actually applying

39:47.360 --> 39:49.960
a chapter in verse exactly what the rules are.

39:49.960 --> 39:57.600
I have just one more question on this issue, and that is, do we not use in judging this,

39:57.640 --> 40:02.680
just disability, do we not use the same data that the map makers used?

40:02.680 --> 40:05.400
I mean, is that why it's quantifiable?

40:05.400 --> 40:11.840
Because map makers are able to distill down to the household and predict what is, what

40:11.840 --> 40:17.360
is the, not, we don't have party registration here, but what is the likely affiliation here?

40:17.360 --> 40:23.960
And so does it make it quantifiable in this context because we have the data now that

40:23.960 --> 40:29.680
we didn't have, our founders didn't have, even our grandfathers, did not have the data

40:29.680 --> 40:32.080
that we have now to make these determinations?

40:32.080 --> 40:37.200
I think certainly the tools that are available to courts to be able to discern what has happened.

40:37.200 --> 40:40.640
These tools that are available to map drawers to discern, to figure out how to greet the

40:40.640 --> 40:45.080
effects that they want are far more sophisticated, which is all the, all the more reason why

40:45.080 --> 40:51.480
this court said in Clark that this court cannot afford to blind itself to those very true

40:51.480 --> 40:55.000
realities that lawmakers are aware of when they are drawing maps.

40:55.000 --> 40:59.960
When a court is drawing maps, it too needs to deal with the entire political, demographic,

40:59.960 --> 41:04.880
factual, census-based reality to make sure that it's drawing maps that are fair and constitutional

41:04.880 --> 41:05.880
for Wisconsin voters.

41:05.880 --> 41:08.840
So you can tell we're trying to pull you across the line here because these cases are

41:08.840 --> 41:11.000
complicated, right?

41:11.000 --> 41:16.280
And if we find them to be just dishable, we need to be advising the three judges.

41:16.280 --> 41:17.440
That should be.

41:17.440 --> 41:22.440
So can you clearly tell us why you think the Pennsylvania test is straightforward?

41:22.440 --> 41:27.960
We believe the Pennsylvania test is straightforward because it does not delve into the hearts

41:27.960 --> 41:32.080
and minds of the map drawers and deciding which map drawers are most at issue.

41:32.080 --> 41:36.680
It looks at the actual effects of the map itself to decide whether the maps abordinates

41:36.680 --> 41:41.000
traditional constitutional principles to partisan advantage.

41:41.000 --> 41:42.520
Can it be explained?

41:42.520 --> 41:46.040
Can the deviations from traditional principles be explained by anything other than sheer

41:46.040 --> 41:48.760
partisan gamesmanship?

41:48.760 --> 41:53.560
So looking, I think, at the effects test that the Pennsylvania court emphasizes is perhaps

41:53.560 --> 41:58.840
the, I would say, you know, the most straightforward way of determining this.

41:58.840 --> 42:02.880
But again, I don't think that the court needs to shy away from looking at intent.

42:02.880 --> 42:05.160
This is the kind of stuff that courts do all the time.

42:05.160 --> 42:08.200
If it wanted to, probably, a more intent or causation-based approach.

42:08.200 --> 42:09.200
Okay.

42:09.200 --> 42:13.240
I want to take you through some procedural things here.

42:13.240 --> 42:17.600
So let's say we were to find your claims just dishable.

42:17.600 --> 42:21.000
I just want to go through kind of what that looks like.

42:21.000 --> 42:25.480
Like how do you get from there to a new map?

42:25.480 --> 42:26.480
Thank you, Your Honor.

42:26.480 --> 42:31.640
So I'm just going to reiterate that, you know, so option number one is to strike down the

42:31.640 --> 42:35.600
map as a matter of law because it's already been struck down as a matter of principle.

42:35.600 --> 42:37.280
Let's go to option number two.

42:37.280 --> 42:42.440
Option number two is to decide that Wisconsin's Constitution bars partisan gerrymandering

42:42.440 --> 42:45.760
and develop a stand, and announce a standard that says, this is-

42:45.760 --> 42:49.280
And I'm going to qualify you, not just bars partisan gerrymandering, isn't there some

42:49.280 --> 42:52.800
extreme partisan gerrymandering, isn't that what we're really talking about?

42:52.800 --> 42:59.880
I mean, you set it already that it's basically taking away, it's making a decision before

42:59.880 --> 43:02.560
the election has even begun for the people in the district.

43:02.560 --> 43:03.560
Exactly, Your Honor.

43:03.560 --> 43:06.360
I'm using the word part of the gerrymandering is a shorthand for what courts have often

43:06.360 --> 43:11.600
referred to as an extreme partisan gerrymander that is essentially an outlier and not explainable

43:11.680 --> 43:13.200
by any other criteria.

43:13.200 --> 43:15.840
Okay, so we find that, and then what?

43:15.840 --> 43:20.560
And I think that this court has already discussed, I think it adopts the model that it seems

43:20.560 --> 43:25.040
to be most fit for determining what is a partisan gerrymander, and then I think it would need

43:25.040 --> 43:30.000
to remand back to the panel for a fact-finding, because as this court has already emphasized

43:30.000 --> 43:33.320
in Clark that it is a very fact-intensive question.

43:33.320 --> 43:39.400
And in your view, the circuit court then has the ability to grant a clearatory judgment

43:39.480 --> 43:43.840
as to whether or not these maps actually meet the tests that we set forth.

43:43.840 --> 43:47.080
Absolutely, Your Honor, and of course this court can make very clear what the authority

43:47.080 --> 43:50.920
is of the circuit court, but the whole design of this three-judge panel was essentially

43:50.920 --> 43:55.520
to be able to do this kind of work to sit and adjudicate facts that are about redistricting

43:55.520 --> 43:58.720
maps and make the proper judgments for Wisconsin voters going forward.

43:58.720 --> 44:00.200
Okay, and then what?

44:00.200 --> 44:06.800
Let's say the circuit court says these maps are an extreme partisan gerrymander according

44:06.800 --> 44:09.080
to the tests set forth, then what?

44:09.080 --> 44:12.920
I think there's a remedial process, and that's not dissimilar to the remedial process

44:12.920 --> 44:14.720
that this court has already laid out.

44:14.720 --> 44:17.840
So you foresee us doing that remedial process?

44:17.840 --> 44:21.120
I think the district, I think the panel could do that remedial process as well.

44:21.120 --> 44:24.400
I think there's a little bit of a question depending on how the appeals work.

44:24.400 --> 44:28.600
There might be an appeal of the liability order before it gets to a remedy, but ideally

44:28.600 --> 44:33.680
we would say that any of this should have, all of this is judicial, just dishable within

44:33.680 --> 44:36.760
the panel and can all be reviewed by this court on appeal after that.

44:36.800 --> 44:42.800
Even though that's our order, aren't we the ones that would need to overturn our injunction

44:42.800 --> 44:47.120
and or order that discussed the previous maps?

44:47.120 --> 44:51.200
I don't think that's exclusively the case, Your Honor, certainly on instruction from

44:51.200 --> 44:52.200
this court.

44:52.200 --> 44:57.400
The panel could have the authority to revisit that injunction, and ultimately our argument

44:57.400 --> 45:02.800
on both separation of powers and partisan gerrymandering is that the panel had the sitting

45:02.840 --> 45:07.880
today, the panel had the job to look at this court's most recent precedent.

45:07.880 --> 45:10.840
In our first separation of powers argument, that most recent precedent is Clark.

45:10.840 --> 45:12.280
They had to apply Clark.

45:12.280 --> 45:15.960
If this court were to decide that partisan gerrymandering is dishable, that would be

45:15.960 --> 45:17.520
this most recent precedent.

45:17.520 --> 45:21.280
So whether it's applying it to a map that was adopted by the legislature or adopted by

45:21.280 --> 45:26.000
the court, the lower court's job is to apply this court's binding precedent.

45:26.000 --> 45:31.040
And before we would adopt any map, the legislature would get a chance to also draw a map.

45:31.120 --> 45:35.160
Is there purview unless they cannot do it or unless there's an unconstitutional violation

45:35.160 --> 45:36.320
with their map, correct?

45:36.320 --> 45:37.320
Absolutely, Your Honor.

45:37.320 --> 45:42.800
And I want to make very clear, there is nothing, there has been nothing preventing the legislative

45:42.800 --> 45:49.120
process from enacting a map since 2020, since 2021, the legislature can and should adopt

45:49.120 --> 45:54.000
a map if it feels like that that's something it has the political capability to do and

45:54.000 --> 45:56.320
nothing of this court is tying this hands.

45:56.320 --> 46:00.880
In Johnson, the court specifically said that this map shall remain in place until the

46:00.880 --> 46:05.360
legislature adopts a new map or a court holds otherwise.

46:05.360 --> 46:08.880
Until number one happens, we are asking this court to hold otherwise.

46:08.880 --> 46:13.960
Just a quick question to kind of add the facts to your arguments.

46:13.960 --> 46:20.160
The map that is in place is a map that Governor Evers proposed, right?

46:20.160 --> 46:24.880
The map that is placed is a map that was, the Governor Evers proposed pursuant to the

46:24.880 --> 46:27.400
least change mandate that was in Johnson 1.

46:27.400 --> 46:33.200
So all of the participants in the Johnson litigation were limited to a single map and

46:33.200 --> 46:36.880
it was, they were told in advance that it would be judged based on that single criterion.

46:36.880 --> 46:44.320
So what about Governor Evers' map is an extreme partisan gerrymander?

46:44.320 --> 46:50.720
So your Honor, Governor Evers' map is essentially following the dictates of this court, it is

46:50.720 --> 46:56.680
a least change map that is 95% identical to the 2011 map that this court cemented in

46:56.680 --> 46:59.040
place pursuant to that least change mandate.

46:59.040 --> 47:08.120
So by calling it Governor Evers' map, our position is that the 2011 map was a gerrymander

47:08.120 --> 47:11.800
and it was calcified in place pursuant to this court's least change mandate.

47:11.800 --> 47:13.840
Then that's a different question.

47:13.840 --> 47:17.960
That 2011 is almost 15 years ago, right?

47:17.960 --> 47:19.520
So why now?

47:19.520 --> 47:22.280
Why isn't this barred by latches?

47:22.280 --> 47:26.720
Your Honor, for the partisan gerrymandering claim, it's not barred by latches because it's

47:26.720 --> 47:29.000
seeking only prospective relief.

47:29.000 --> 47:36.320
The idea that the state of Wisconsin is prohibited from writing a wrong just because that wrong

47:36.320 --> 47:40.880
has existed for a number of years is antithetical to the entire latches doctrine.

47:40.880 --> 47:44.240
By that same logic, you know, Brown v. Board of Ed would have been latchesed out because

47:44.320 --> 47:46.880
it was already sitting in decades' worth of segregation.

47:46.880 --> 47:53.880
The different issue, but has Wisconsin ever had a map that meets the criteria that you

47:53.880 --> 47:56.000
outline today?

47:56.000 --> 48:03.000
Given that partisan bodies have drawn the maps under the Constitution, since the Constitution

48:03.000 --> 48:08.040
that provision's been in existence, has Wisconsin ever had a partisan gerrymandered map?

48:08.040 --> 48:11.600
Have we ever had a map that's good under your criteria?

48:11.600 --> 48:15.440
Your Honor, I've not evaluated every map, congressional map that's been adopted.

48:15.440 --> 48:20.320
I know many maps have been adopted by courts not pursuant to a least-change criterion.

48:20.320 --> 48:21.320
As we saw, I'm Jensen.

48:21.320 --> 48:25.160
We've seen in Prosser that the reports have said we actually do need to look at the partisan

48:25.160 --> 48:29.440
effects of our map to make sure that we are applying traditional districting principles.

48:29.440 --> 48:32.800
So I have no reason to believe that any of those maps would be unlawful.

48:32.800 --> 48:37.480
We are only talking about the one map we have in place today, which was built pursuant to

48:37.480 --> 48:40.240
a least-change principle that has since been debunked.

48:40.320 --> 48:48.040
Council, whose intent are we looking at if we were to apply a test that had an intent

48:48.040 --> 48:49.040
element to it?

48:49.040 --> 48:50.040
Yeah.

48:50.040 --> 48:53.440
It's a little tricky in this one, Your Honors, is normally you look at the map drawers'

48:53.440 --> 48:54.440
intent.

48:54.440 --> 48:58.280
And here, when it comes to the most recent intent, that intent from this court was laid

48:58.280 --> 48:59.280
bare.

48:59.280 --> 49:06.160
The intent was to adopt the intent, the effects, and everything as possible from the 2011 map.

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So the court can look at the judicial record to know that the intent was to adopt the intent

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of 2011, and that we even have a judicial record on the 2011 maps as well.

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So in the baldest case, for instance, there is evidence and there is argument about what

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exactly was that intent.

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I want to announce that.

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Go ahead, Jessica.

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Thank you.

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I'd like to return to the question of remedy, because it sounded to me like you were saying

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a few minutes ago that we could somehow deputize that three-judge panel to overturn

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an order by this court.

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And that seems premature to me at a minimum until there is a factual record showing a

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partisan gerrymandering.

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It seems to me premature for this court to do anything of that nature and also quite

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unprecedented.

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The respondents make some of those arguments in their briefs.

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So can you walk me through how it is you believe the circuit court versus this court could

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adopt a remedy of a different map than is currently in place?

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So I believe that the circuit court has the obligation to abide by this court's precedent.

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So when it comes to our separation-

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Not just precedent, but it is a judgment.

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It is.

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And in Johnson too, this court said that the map would stay in place until legislative

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enactment or a court says otherwise.

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Wisconsin has since adopted an entire judicial process through this three-judge panel that

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is essentially intended to adjudicate these kinds of redistricting challenges.

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If for instance we were here in 2032, and there was a three-judge panel case that was

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designed by Wisconsin law to handle redistricting matters, I don't think we would say, well

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that three-judge court has no power to enjoin the now old 2022 map in light of new law.

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Of course, whatever the court's authority is, it is to apply the governing law from

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this court to the judgment before it.

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So I do think that the lower court always has the, not just the authority, but the obligation

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to follow this court's precedent, which makes this an easy answer when it comes to

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the separation of powers claim in the partisan gerrymandering context if this court's precedent

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who tells the district, tells the circuit court that partisan gerrymandering is unlawful

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and it needs to be adjudicated to make sure, to determine whether or not this challenged

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map fails under that standard, then I think the court just needs to follow, the lower

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court would just need to follow this court's precedent in order to do that.

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I don't think it would be acting beyond it.

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So in other words, that language in, I think it's in Johnson too, that says until a court

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says otherwise something to that effect, you believe you interpret that language as allowing

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a lower court, a three-judge panel in the circuit court, to based on a finding of a

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constitutional violation, set those maps aside and adopt new maps.

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By some process that we'll probably ask you further about, but so that's where you find

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that authority is in that language in Johnson too, saying that until a court otherwise decides.

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I think that language in Johnson too recognizes the authority.

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I don't think that's the sole source of the authority.

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The source of the authority is from long line of precedent starting with Cook v Cook, which

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basically says that the lower court has an ability to, has an obligation to apply the

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most recent binding precedent of this court.

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If the most recent binding precedent of this court is that our own injunctions can be

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reviewed according to a partisan gerrymandering standard, then the lower court has an obligation

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to abide by that rule and adjudicate under that rule.

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So that's something you're asking us to hold.

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In the alternative to our initial claim, your honor, which is that we are asking you to hold

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that this map already violates Wisconsin law as articulated in Clark, so that the lower

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court does not need to go back and make any liability determinations.

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This court has the ability to enjoin it on its own.

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But I think Justice Cropper is asking you a very specific question about the holding

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and you just use language about the injunction.

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Are you asking that to be part of our holding to be that specific?

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Are you just set aside the separation of powers argument?

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If you're talking about an extreme partisan gerrymandering, that that's your argument

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and that violates the Wisconsin Constitution, and if we agree with you and if that is our

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holding.

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Do we need to say more about the injunction that is in place in this case?

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Because the or a court otherwise directs, are you saying that's us directing it here?

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Which court is otherwise directing, or is it the three-judge panel?

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I think it could be either, your honor, and specifically if this court were to determine

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that extreme partisan gerrymandering is cognizable under Wisconsin law, it could then

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remand to the lower court with instructions to evaluate this map, this injunction from

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this court, under those principles.

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And with that instruction, the court would have no other choice but to do that.

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Okay, so what is a little narrow as it relates to this case, I understand what you're saying.

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But what about Governor Evers' map is an extreme partisan gerrymander?

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I want to be careful, your honor, about calling it Governor Evers' map.

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Governor Evers is actually advocated for a people's commission process that produced

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a different map.

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The court accepted the map that he submitted, so you can call it what you would like today

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I'm calling it Governor Evers' map that the court adopted.

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So let's start with that.

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What about that map requires this court to act because it is an extreme partisan gerrymander?

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That map calcifies 95% in place the 2011 map that we believe is an extreme partisan gerrymander.

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Of course on the posture that we have before this motion to dismiss, we don't have the

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fact finding to be able to say this is the exact demonstrable evidence of that, but in

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our complaint we allege that that map that is from 2011 and then we cemented in place

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from this court in Johnson's to order is one of the most partisan skewed map in the country

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under a variety of objective metrics.

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So Council, it seems to me that your separation of powers argument is putting the cart before

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the horse a bit.

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It seems to be premised on an assumption that the maps that were adopted by this court were

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in fact an extreme partisan gerrymander.

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Doesn't that have to be proven first before that hurdle presents itself?

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Not at all your honor.

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So walk me through that.

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Absolutely.

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The separation of powers claim does not at all rest on whether or not the previous map

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was right or wrong or an extreme partisan gerrymander or anything else.

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The separation of powers claim, which I think is outlined in 70 and 71 of the court explains,

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when the judiciary is charged with redistricting, it needs to engage in a certain process and

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that process cannot include blind deference to a previous map.

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It has to include consideration of the partisan effects of its map because the court is taking

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ownership of its role in redistricting.

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So this idea that the court can just kind of close its eyes and hold its nose and do

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whatever the legislature did previously.

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Let me just interrupt a moment because it seems to me that what the court was considering

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there was a more prophylactic concern of avoiding a constitutional violation and not

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saying there was a constitutional violation.

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Am I incorrect in viewing it that way?

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I mean, I think that the concern that this court expressed in Clark about least change

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sounded in principles of separation of powers.

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Like I said, specifically the court said, it is not possible to remain neutral and

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independent by failing to consider partisan impact entirely.

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And by definition, that means that it was not possible for this court to remain neutral

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independent as it was its responsibility when they're the separation of powers when it used

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that approach in Johnson.

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So it's prophylactic in the sense that, yes, it's what should be done and it maps onto

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what is our claim for prospective relief going forward.

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If it is not possible for the court to abide by its twin obligations of neutrality and

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independence by adopting a least change that doesn't look at partisan impact, that means

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it was not possible.

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And we are all living under that map going forward for 2026 and 2028 and 2030.

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I'm going to follow up on a couple of questions that Justice Dalit asked you.

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She walked you through and you laid out three steps, essentially, I guess maybe, yeah.

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Starting with, if we found the map, if we ruled that an unconstitutional, extreme gerrymanders

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just dishable, we would adopt a map for what that means, excuse me, we would adopt a test,

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a model of maps on the brain.

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We would adopt a model for what that meant exactly, we would remand it for fact-finding.

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And then the fact-finders would do what they would do and then we talked a little bit about

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remedy, which could be the fourth thing.

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We have two cases in front of us.

58:58.520 --> 59:09.480
Your friends are very patiently sitting in the front row behind you.

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What should we do about that?

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What if we also find that there is an anti-competitive claim that that also violates the Wisconsin

59:22.720 --> 59:23.720
Constitution?

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We have three, we have two, three-judge panels.

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I assume that they are also going to come up here and say if you find that this is dishable,

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you adopt a model, I don't want to take any of your argument away, you'll come up and

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then do this, you'll remand it back for fact-finding.

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Are we going to have two different panels, six different judges, having these hearings,

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coming up with who knows how many different maps?

59:58.320 --> 01:00:00.000
Can you help me think through-

