WEBVTT

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be based on the fact that you relied on settled maps

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when tomorrow the legislature could change these maps.

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But, well, oh, good question.

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So there's a real difference between the legislature

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like in Tennessee or Texas deciding

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we're not just going to change the maps,

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we're going to appropriate millions of dollars

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for the state to change the maps midstream.

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What the cases are discussing is that when courts

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require the changing of the maps,

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the state has to find those millions of dollars

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to change them now and then to change them again

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after the census and changing those districts

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in such a short amount of time results

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to real prejudice outside of this courtroom.

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And it also results in-

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And what is that exactly?

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Can you develop that a bit?

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Okay, so a congressional map doesn't just exist on paper,

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it exists in computers and you assign voters

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to different districts so that when that voter

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shows up to the voting booth or when they check

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their mailbox, they get the right ballot

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for their district.

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That can cost millions of dollars to hype up

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and, you know, across the case-

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So there's a cost associated with changing maps,

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is that what you mean by prejudice?

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Yes, and that's-

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So the correction of a constitutional violation

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because it costs money, it should be not remedied?

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You're on are no different than Brennan,

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the court is in any latches analysis,

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even in constitutional cases is highly aware

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of the prejudice for late filed claims.

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Nothing stopped plaintiffs from filing a lawsuit in 2011

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or filing a lawsuit in 2021 or 2022 or 2023 or 2024,

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alleging these maps were unconstitutional.

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And so yes, just as was the case

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with the Alabama congressional districts

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and the Florida districts and the Illinois districts,

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sometimes the challenge just comes too late.

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And that's especially true here

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where the legal arguments are very underdeveloped,

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they are not different than the arguments presented in Johnson.

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And so one way this court can decide this case

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is just like the Alabama court decided chestnut,

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which is to say, well, consider your arguments later,

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Alabama courts absolutely considered those arguments later

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after the last census,

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but we're not going to consider them now

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because of the prejudice.

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And it's not just monetary prejudice, just one more point.

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Okay, what's the other prejudice

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because you're not gonna sell me that costs are enough?

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You're on our, I'd urge you to read the decisions we've cited.

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It's a real cost to the state and to the taxpayers

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to change maps.

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But the second point is-

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The second point is, I assume everyone here is highly versed

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in where the districts are and who their representatives are,

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but not everyone in Wisconsin.

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Not all six, nearly six million Wisconsinites are that way.

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And the cases also discuss a prejudice

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to the everyday voter who has been in a district

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that looks one way for a while,

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and then all of a sudden they're switched

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into a new district that I would suspect

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is gonna look fairly different.

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Which could still happen tomorrow.

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It could your honor, but that is the legislature's

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prerogative under the elections clause.

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I also wanna point out you went back to 2011

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for purposes of counting latches,

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but you don't wanna go back to 2011 otherwise.

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Sorry, what was that?

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You went back to 2011 for purposes of counting latches,

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I noticed.

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Well, your honor, if there are arguments,

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I heard, maybe I misheard today,

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but I heard today that the intent that matters

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was the intent of the lawmakers who enacted Act 44.

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And so if that's true from,

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here's a fourth kind of prejudice,

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there's a real evidentiary prejudice

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in waiting to bring a claim until 15 years later,

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because I don't know how we conduct discovery

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about what happened in 2011.

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It happened 15 years ago.

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But you don't even,

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Justice Dalit, you don't have to take 2011.

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Brennan said two years was too late

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to challenge the line item veto.

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And here, these were well within two years

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of counting the time in which they were brought

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after our court case.

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I think we're a year and a half.

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I have to look at my math.

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Under a year and a half.

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Which we said in Clark was not undue delay.

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In Clark, you said it was not undue delay to wait.

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I have this here.

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So the Johnson decision was in March 2022.

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Clark was in August, 2023.

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So in Clark, you said it's not undue delay

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to wait 15 months to file a petition

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for an original action.

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And Brennan, you said latches is fact specific.

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So let's look at the facts of this case.

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Which are, they waited 14 years since Act 44.

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Three years and four months

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since the final judgment in Johnson II.

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Nearly two years longer than the Clark petitioners

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waited to challenge Johnson II.

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And more than 18 months after the Clark decision.

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And to come back to my first point,

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if the plaintiffs are so sure

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that the circuit court could have undone

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this court's injunction,

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not just today, but the minute after Clark,

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they've offered no explanation

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for why they didn't go to the circuit court.

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There's no reason they had to act sequentially.

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I assume their arguments taken to the logical extent

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mean the circuit court has simultaneous jurisdiction.

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So they can file their motion for relief from judgment here.

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The same day they file their circuit court action.

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And they have not explained why they decided to wait

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until July of 2025 to challenge a final judgment issue.

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In March of 2022.

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And to say that that delay is reasonable.

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There's a reconsideration motion

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you're skipping over that was filed March 1st of 2024.

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Right, yes, yes.

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So they're not gonna count the time

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that they were actually challenging

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and even though that was denied.

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Sorry, you're on, when I said motion

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for to reopen the judgment, that's what I meant.

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I don't understand how they couldn't also have filed

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their circuit court action then or shortly thereafter.

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Good point.

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Okay.

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We're just passing a note to see if one of your.

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One of your colleagues may want to speak.

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So.

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Wants to speak.

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That's okay.

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But I'll give you an opportunity.

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I don't know if you want to wrap things up

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sort of bring your comments to your part to a close.

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Sure.

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I suppose I just want to get back

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to the heart of the questions

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which is we do think that in order to hold

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that the Johnson two map

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complied with all state and federal law.

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Of course, this court had to decide

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and consider in the more than three dozen paragraphs

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that Wisconsin law does not require

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politically fair districts.

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And just my last point is that I do think

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plaintiffs are setting the circuit court up for failure

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if this comes, goes back.

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They have not offered any standard

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for this court to then adopt and hand down.

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Justice Taylor, your earlier question about data.

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Yes, we have the data,

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but how do we count the one third

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of Wisconsin's independence?

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Where do they shake out in this new constitutional right?

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How do we count the voter who votes for Tammy Baldwin

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for Senate and her Republican candidate

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in Assembly District 99

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and the numerous other split ticket voters in this case?

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The search for neutrality is for congressional districts

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at least is what this court did in Johnson.

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It's to defer to the legislative judgments

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to remedy malapportionment and no more.

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And if you read closely the bomb guard decision

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and the prosser decision that was cited today,

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that's actually what those courts were doing.

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I'd urge the court to read to the end of prosser.

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What the court said there is we as a court

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will not upset the existing political landscape.

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We will not pair incumbents

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because that goes beyond our duties as a court.

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Thank you.

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Thank you.

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Mr. Salin.

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Thank you, Your Honor.

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I'm going to try to do something a little bit different.

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I hear there's a lot of sentiment on the bench

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for eventually perhaps considering recognizing

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and claim for partisan gerrymandering.

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I would like to make the case here

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that this is absolutely not the case

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where this court should go down this path.

