WEBVTT

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Or give me a comfortable seat, that's all.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I just wanted to thank you very much.

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I've been like

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It's like a loaded mac and cheese, I don't know why they're not.

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Just mac and cheese pizza, do you want to get that?

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You're done with cheese for a little while?

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Yeah.

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We're going to be nice and we're going to be here about as well.

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I think we're in this kind of system all day.

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What do you think about some of the sandwiches for a comprehensive and obvious?

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Do you guys care what it is?

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I'm having the opportunity to press the board.

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Yeah.

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It helps.

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Do you think there's stuff in the room?

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I think there's a reasonable...

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Are you going to stay in the closet and finish your flight?

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I think I missed this.

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It's not your case.

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You don't have to be through hell.

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You're an audience, you're a spectator.

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What do you mean it's true?

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It'll be probably between cases.

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Which means it's going to be like, let's say let's break it down.

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I think it's going to be done by you.

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I think both of those front records are going to take these guys off.

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What?

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It's going to be too great.

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How are you 15?

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I'm different.

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I thought you said the entire thing.

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It's going to be a matter of time between the schedule for when there are you.

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There are you, so you're starting by now.

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Right.

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Exactly.

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We still have four.

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I don't think that would be possible.

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We've said it.

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Perhaps they're going to talk about it.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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It's not true.

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But to repair you did everything.

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It's a good talk for an outdoor artist.

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My flight's at like 4.20.

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I guess it's a question, though.

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Whether I also stay with a whole man,

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I think that I have a contact with.

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We're going to figure that out.

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I find like a three-minute aerializer.

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It's so similar to each other.

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Three major airlines are very similar to each other.

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No opinion on Alaska.

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And just like going to Seattle is Alaska.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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Yes, sir.

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Yeah.

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All rise.

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Hear ye, hear ye, hear ye.

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The Wisconsin Supreme Court is back in session.

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The Honorable Chief Justice Joe Grazne presiding.

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Your silence is commanded.

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Hey, everybody.

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Welcome back.

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Go ahead and have a seat.

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At long last year.

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Can I ask you something as you're taking the podium?

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Sometimes when people are splitting up arguments,

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they're each taking an issue.

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You were going to start with that, weren't you?

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You weren't going to.

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Okay.

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Are you each going to take an issue or not?

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Just so that we can save some questions?

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Yes, sir.

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Mr. Stakeholder.

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No, you're in our group.

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All three of us are ready for all your questions.

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All right.

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We will let the argument unfold, however it's most helpful.

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Oh, cool.

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Okay.

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That's great.

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You're ready whenever you are.

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Good morning.

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May I please the court tailor me in on behalf of the Wisconsin

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Legislature.

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Four and a half years ago, this court adopted the governor's

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proposed remedy for the then-malaportioned congressional

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districts.

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The court held unequivocally that that remedy complied with all

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applicable state and federal laws.

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Nothing has changed since then that could warrant re-entering

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the political thicket of congressional redistricting and

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putting this court's injunction on trial in a circuit court.

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This court can affirm the dismissal of plaintiffs' complaint

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on these simple grounds without reaching the merits, which is

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that the circuit court was exactly right that it could not

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unwind this court's final judgment in Johnson, too.

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Likewise, this court could affirm simply by holding

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plaintiffs waited too long to bring this suit in circuit court

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just as the Illinois Supreme Court held last year for the

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districting challenge in Illinois.

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Nor would there be any reason for this court, for the circuit

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court, to unwind the Johnson II injunction.

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As to plaintiff's separation of powers arguments, the circuit

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court was exactly right that plaintiffs' arguments re-write

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this court's words in Clark to say something that this court did not

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say.

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The court needs no more authority than Clark itself to know that

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at least changes remedy is not categorically unconstitutional.

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That's cool.

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I want to go back to Clark, which I haven't set up to this point,

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but I'll say no.

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It was a well-written opinion.

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Indeed, your honor.

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Thank you.

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Appreciate it.

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Fishing for compliments this morning.

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It was really clear in 63 that at least changes on workable

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in practice.

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It went through the whole analysis about it being

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unworkable on all the reasons it was unworkable.

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You know, I certainly recall vividly sitting in this courtroom

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as we talked about the peanuts analogy of Lucy moving the

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football away from Charlie Brown because no one who was

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advocating for least change in this courtroom could agree to what

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it meant.

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Was at least change as far as the number of people, the population

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in the district was at least change as to the lines.

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Were we trying to least change as to municipalities?

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It didn't work.

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There was nothing in the Constitution as Justice Taylor

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brought out a little while ago.

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There was nothing in Wisconsin law.

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There was nothing in Wisconsin.

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That brought it forward.

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That could be relied on to be the basis for it.

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And paragraph 63 of Clark just says as illustrated across the

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course of the Johnson litigation, least change is

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unworkable on practice.

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As such, we overrule any portion of Johnson 1, Johnson 2 and

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Johnson 3 that mandate at least change approach.

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I would like to know what else could a judge or justice

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possibly write in an opinion to say this is, we are

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overturning this.

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This does not apply going forward.

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This was wrong.

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It was unworkable in practice.

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I don't know how much clearer I could have done it.

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But apparently there's something else I should have done.

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What do you suggest that was?

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Chief Justice Croft's view took the words right out of my

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mouth which is that we're not going to apply this going

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forward.

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But the court's discussion about how least changes is

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unworkable is not synonymous with a holding that least changes

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what's unconstitutional when applied in Johnson 2.

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And as for Justice Taylor's question about where this

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least changes approach comes from, I think some table setting

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is really important here.

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You receive Justice Taylor an answer about Clark and the

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state constitution.

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Clark involved the state house districts.

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Of course, we are here about the congressional districts.

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And so to the question of where a least changes approach might

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come from, I would point the court to the federal constitution

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here in this case, which assigns power to the legislature for

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redistricting, not courts.

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And when the last enacted plan by the legislature is Act 44,

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of course the elections clause could anticipate this.

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But we said, sorry to interrupt you.

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But we said that those maps, because they did not, the

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population had shifted obviously in the ten years, those maps

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could no longer be, they violated federal law.

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They violated federal constitution.

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Those maps were no longer in effect, they couldn't be.

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Well, Your Honor, I think that mistakes the nature of the

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judicial power, which is when the court examined Act 44 and

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held Act 44 was unconstitutionally malapportioned, the court

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was not striking down the law or erasing it from the Wisconsin

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statutes.

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The court was remedying the malapportionment of those districts.

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Those districts are still the law on the books today with the

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additional layer of this court's injunction remedying the

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malapportionment of those districts at the margin.

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And as for the deference to the legislature and whether that

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could possibly work a constitutional violation in a

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congressional redistricting case, any such rule would come as an

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enormous surprise, I would think, to the U.S. Supreme Court.

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But states have done it.

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State courts have looked at the issue of judicial ability.

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We have ten courts now that have come up with a standard.

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None of those Supreme Court decisions have been overturned.

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They've not been accepted on cert.

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They have not been accepted on a stay.

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So we see state courts coming up with standards to measure whether

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votes have been improperly and unconstitutionally and

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substantially deluded.

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How do we not have that same ability like these other state

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courts, state Supreme Courts have had?

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And your honor, I do have arguments in response to the

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partisan gerrymandering claim and other states have done it.

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But I would like to finish my point on justice for Obscis.

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The least changes approach and the very separate claim that

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plaintiffs have said they've brought here.

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And as for what state courts have done, let me start with the

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U.S. Supreme Court.

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In cases like white against wiser, the U.S. Supreme Court

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reversed a court for refusing to defer to the political

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judgments of the Texas legislature in a Malaportionment case.

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And then state courts as diverse as courts in Minnesota,

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Oklahoma, South Carolina, and New Hampshire have all done

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exactly what this court did.

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Let me ask you some of that.

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We are not talking about maps that the legislature put in place.

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The legislature put in place maps.

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The governor vetoed those maps.

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You are talking about a legislature from 2011.

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Correct.

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And just as courts in New Hampshire, Oklahoma and all the

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other states I just listed off deferred to the same sort of

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maps, these are impasse cases, Malaportionment cases, and those

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courts say we are going to defer to the last enacted map.

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Because that is the last enacted map by the people's representatives

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and our job here is to remedy Malaportionment.

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It is not to strike a new political balance.

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We should talk about the people's representatives, right?

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Because if you start with Article 1, Section 1 of our

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Constitution, which says that the government derives its power

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from the consent of the governed, from the people, yes?

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Yes.

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Yes.

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Okay.

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And in your view that means the legislature, not the court,

19:31.160 --> 19:34.160
that they should be deciding this issue of redistricting the

19:34.160 --> 19:37.160
2011 legislature in this case, right?

19:37.160 --> 19:38.160
Yes.

19:38.160 --> 19:41.160
Because that legislature, if I'm understanding your argument,

19:41.160 --> 19:42.160
was elected by the people.

19:42.160 --> 19:44.160
They're closest to the people.

19:44.160 --> 19:47.160
They can be held accountable by the people.

19:47.160 --> 19:48.160
Yes.

19:48.160 --> 19:49.160
Okay.

19:49.160 --> 19:52.160
This is where I have some issues.

19:52.160 --> 19:58.160
The legislature that passed those original maps wasn't any old

19:58.160 --> 20:01.160
legislature, right?

20:01.160 --> 20:06.160
The legislature that passed that maps, they came from districts that

20:06.160 --> 20:13.160
many people claimed were the most gerrymandered in the entire

20:13.160 --> 20:14.160
country.

20:14.160 --> 20:18.160
They were, as some say, a prime example of representatives

20:18.160 --> 20:22.160
choosing their voters rather than the other way around, rather than

20:22.160 --> 20:24.160
voters choosing their representatives.

20:24.160 --> 20:29.160
And because of those maps, many people felt that their votes were

20:29.160 --> 20:32.160
diluted, that they weren't representative of the people.

20:32.160 --> 20:34.160
They said that they felt like those districts lacked in

20:34.160 --> 20:35.160
representation.

20:35.160 --> 20:37.160
People felt like those maps weren't fair.

20:37.160 --> 20:39.160
Some people even called those maps rigged.

20:39.160 --> 20:44.160
And the legislators that came from those districts came from rigged

20:44.160 --> 20:45.160
maps.

20:45.160 --> 20:51.160
It is that legislature, those representatives from those

20:51.160 --> 20:54.160
districts described as extremely gerrymandered that drafted the

20:54.160 --> 20:56.160
maps that we are talking about today.

20:56.160 --> 21:01.160
The maps that got baked in in 2021.

21:01.160 --> 21:05.160
And if I'm understanding your argument that underlies change,

21:05.160 --> 21:10.160
which you're ardently defending, those maps, the baked in ones from

21:10.160 --> 21:16.160
the 2011 legislature, would go forward into perpetuity indefinitely.

21:16.160 --> 21:20.160
And I don't understand how that is not unconstitutional.

21:20.160 --> 21:25.160
Well, your Honor, whether we agree with it or not, the U.S.

21:25.160 --> 21:29.160
Constitution assigns redistricting authority to the legislature,

21:29.160 --> 21:34.160
because 250 years ago, when we declared revolution, we said

21:34.160 --> 21:37.160
the people decide through their elected representatives.

21:37.160 --> 21:39.160
And there are two solutions for that.

21:39.160 --> 21:41.160
Either of which plaintiffs could pursue.

21:41.160 --> 21:44.160
First, they could lobby Congress because, of course,

21:44.160 --> 21:49.160
Congress likewise has power under the elections clause to stop what

21:49.160 --> 21:52.160
some have said should not have happened in 2011.

21:52.160 --> 21:57.160
Or, like Florida, like New York, like Ohio, plaintiffs could do the

21:57.160 --> 22:01.160
hard work of creating a constitutional amendment and saying

22:01.160 --> 22:04.160
any politics in redistricting is forbidden.

22:04.160 --> 22:10.160
Any desire to send Speaker Paul Ryan back to Congress is forbidden.

22:10.160 --> 22:11.160
They have not done that.

22:11.160 --> 22:16.160
And so, yes, as we stand here today, the only neutral way for this

22:16.160 --> 22:19.160
court to have proceeded in a malapportionment case about

22:19.160 --> 22:24.160
congressional districts was to just defer to the existing political

22:24.160 --> 22:28.160
and policy choices, like sending senior statesmen,

22:28.160 --> 22:32.160
be it Speaker Ryan, or Representative Obie back to Congress,

22:32.160 --> 22:36.160
and lessen until there's a change from Congress itself or a

22:36.160 --> 22:39.160
constitutional change to the Wisconsin Constitution.

22:39.160 --> 22:44.160
And that is regardless of how much constitutional harm is caused

22:44.160 --> 22:46.160
to an individual's right to vote.

22:46.160 --> 22:48.160
Is that what you're saying?

22:48.160 --> 22:53.160
Your Honor, as Justice Ziegler explained, every individual in Wisconsin

22:53.160 --> 22:58.160
can go into vote on election day or mail in their ballot

22:58.160 --> 23:01.160
and cast an equally weighted vote.

23:01.160 --> 23:03.160
That's been true in Wisconsin, by the way.

23:03.160 --> 23:05.160
That's not what gerrymandering allows.

23:05.160 --> 23:10.160
Is it gerrymandering is the legislature determining their

23:10.160 --> 23:18.160
voters and assigning, treating a class of voters as unfavored.

23:18.160 --> 23:27.160
And that can have the impact of deluding in individuals right to vote.

23:27.160 --> 23:31.160
So they vote, yes, they go in and vote, but they're votes meaningless

23:31.160 --> 23:36.160
because politicians have determined who their voters are.

23:36.160 --> 23:41.160
And that would seem to me so contrary to the language of our

23:41.160 --> 23:45.160
Constitution, which elevates the sovereignty of the people.

23:45.160 --> 23:50.160
That politicians have no power without the people.

23:50.160 --> 23:54.160
Your Honor, your Honor, our founders risk their lives so that our representatives

23:54.160 --> 24:00.160
who we elect can represent the people, not a king, and with all due respect,

24:00.160 --> 24:05.160
not courts, because the Wisconsin Constitution provides this court no

24:05.160 --> 24:09.160
judicially manageable standards to decide that loyal Republicans

24:09.160 --> 24:13.160
and loyal Democrats have this super constitutional right.

24:13.160 --> 24:15.160
Other courts have done it.

24:15.160 --> 24:17.160
They have done it, Your Honor, and I'm so glad you asked that question

24:17.160 --> 24:22.160
because there is no free and fair elections clause in Wisconsin's Constitution.

24:22.160 --> 24:26.160
And there is no Florida Fair District's amendment saying

24:26.160 --> 24:29.160
considering incumbents is forbidden.

24:29.160 --> 24:32.160
And even in states that have done it, even in North Carolina

24:32.160 --> 24:35.160
with the free and fair elections clause, I'd urge this court not to take

24:35.160 --> 24:36.160
my words for it.

24:36.160 --> 24:38.160
Go look at the Supreme Court opinions in that case.

24:38.160 --> 24:41.160
They threw up their hands, Justice Taylor, and they said,

24:41.160 --> 24:45.160
we understand this is a political problem, and this is hotly debated

24:45.160 --> 24:49.160
at kitchen tables and in academic classrooms.

24:49.160 --> 24:53.160
But what we can't do as a court is solve that problem because even the

24:53.160 --> 24:56.160
free and fair elections clause doesn't give us the tools to do so.

24:56.160 --> 25:00.160
So our Constitution is different in that we,

25:00.160 --> 25:04.160
there is a provision that says there is a remedy for wrongs.

25:04.160 --> 25:10.160
Section 9 says every person is entitled to a certain remedy in the laws

25:10.160 --> 25:17.160
for all injuries or wrongs, which he may receive in his person's property

25:17.160 --> 25:21.160
or character he ought to obtain justice freely.

25:21.160 --> 25:24.160
So that is unique to our Constitution.

25:24.160 --> 25:30.160
Our task is to interpret our Constitution to evaluate legislation

25:30.160 --> 25:36.160
to see if it poses a constitutional harm to these rights.

25:36.160 --> 25:39.160
So it's just very hard.

25:39.160 --> 25:45.160
I think your argument is challenging when I look at the cons,

25:45.160 --> 25:50.160
our own Constitution and the language of that Constitution and the embodiment

25:50.160 --> 25:54.160
of the sovereignty of people.

25:54.160 --> 25:57.160
Government has no power without the people.

25:57.160 --> 26:01.160
So if a class of voters,

26:01.160 --> 26:06.160
if their vote is being deluded or infringed upon,

26:06.160 --> 26:12.160
that seems to me to violate these principles of the people being sovereign

26:12.160 --> 26:17.160
because we have been elevated the power politicians above

26:17.160 --> 26:22.160
individuals' right to choose their government.

26:22.160 --> 26:28.160
Your Honor, the question assumes the answer to the question I thought we were all here

26:28.160 --> 26:34.160
to address today, which is, is there a right to Republican districts

26:34.160 --> 26:37.160
or Democratic districts in the Wisconsin Constitution?

26:37.160 --> 26:39.160
That's not the framing, though.

26:39.160 --> 26:45.160
You're framing it in a certain way that I think is not how I'm seeing it.

26:45.160 --> 26:51.160
I'm looking at our state Constitution and I am pondering as we do with all legislation

26:51.160 --> 26:54.160
that we review, the concept of judicial review.

26:54.160 --> 26:57.160
Is there a constitutional harm here?

26:57.160 --> 26:59.160
That's what I'm looking at.

26:59.160 --> 27:04.160
I'm not looking at, it's not up to us to imbue our policy choices.

27:04.160 --> 27:07.160
That's very clearly belongs to the legislature.

27:07.160 --> 27:11.160
What I'm looking at is there a constitutional harm here,

27:11.160 --> 27:17.160
and I'm sure you agree that the right to vote is the most precious constitutional right we have.

27:17.160 --> 27:20.160
We have Wisconsin case law that says that.

27:20.160 --> 27:23.160
It is the most precious right.

27:23.160 --> 27:25.160
Isn't that our inquiry?

27:25.160 --> 27:32.160
Is there a constitutional harm here in infringing or diluting an individual's right to vote?

27:32.160 --> 27:34.160
That seems to be the question.

27:34.160 --> 27:36.160
Yes, three points, Your Honor.

27:36.160 --> 27:41.160
First, Wisconsin was ahead of the curb in terms of the right to vote in the Cunningham case.

27:41.160 --> 27:47.160
In Cunningham, this court did something decades, perhaps a century before the Supreme Court did in Westbury,

27:47.160 --> 27:52.160
which it said that right to vote is so precious that we in Wisconsin are going to ensure

27:52.160 --> 27:58.160
that you have a numerically equally weighted vote back in, I think, it was 1892.

27:58.160 --> 28:04.160
And no one here disputes that this court could not adjudicate a claim of malapportionment

28:04.160 --> 28:06.160
just as the court did in Johnson.

28:06.160 --> 28:13.160
The second point, beyond that, the right to vote is not a right to get the election outcomes you want.

28:13.160 --> 28:20.160
The very nature of the political branches is that someone loses and someone wins on election day.

28:20.160 --> 28:24.160
And when it comes to who decides what those districts look like,

28:24.160 --> 28:30.160
the Wisconsin Constitution gives this court no judicially manageable standard to override

28:30.160 --> 28:34.160
what the federal Constitution says, which is that the legislature does get to decide.

28:34.160 --> 28:40.160
And it was okay in remedying malapportionment to defer to those legislative choices.

28:40.160 --> 28:44.160
A good case on that is the McGraill case where it certainly involved the right to vote.

28:44.160 --> 28:48.160
It involved whether you could be identified by party on a ballot,

28:48.160 --> 28:53.160
whether someone knew I was a Republican or a Democrat or the Constitution Party or something else,

28:53.160 --> 28:55.160
and this court deferred.

28:55.160 --> 29:02.160
Well, courts do apply substantiality of harm all the time.

29:02.160 --> 29:07.160
We weigh that, whether it be in civil criminal cases.

29:07.160 --> 29:13.160
We are applying those standards and not set out necessarily in the Constitution.

29:13.160 --> 29:18.160
But it seems to me that we're looking at, is there a substantial dilution?

29:18.160 --> 29:20.160
Is there a substantial harm here?

29:20.160 --> 29:24.160
And of course, do that all the time in jurisquivents.

29:24.160 --> 29:30.160
We are always looking at harms and weighing whether there's a substantiality issue.

29:30.160 --> 29:33.160
Your Honor, I suppose that brings me to the third point,

29:33.160 --> 29:40.160
which is whether a plaintiff might be able to establish there is a cognizable harm in some case.

29:40.160 --> 29:46.160
Later on, this court could leave unresolved whether it wants to overrule Johnson I.

29:46.160 --> 29:51.160
But in this particular case, plaintiffs have not done the hard work

29:51.160 --> 29:57.160
to walk back what were more than three dozen paragraphs in addition to Justice Hagedorn's concurrence,

29:57.160 --> 30:03.160
explaining that the Constitution, as it sits today and as it sat then,

30:03.160 --> 30:08.160
does not give the court the tools to adjudicate those kinds of thorny claims.

30:08.160 --> 30:11.160
So that's why we have a remedy for every wrong.

30:11.160 --> 30:17.160
Every person is entitled to a certain remedy in the laws for all injuries.

30:17.160 --> 30:22.160
Because your Honor, plaintiffs have not identified what the constitutional wrong is at this time.

30:22.160 --> 30:25.160
Vote dilution is not a constitutional wrong.

30:25.160 --> 30:31.160
When our Constitution explicitly says it is the people who choose their government,

30:31.160 --> 30:35.160
the only mechanism by which they do that is the right to vote.

30:35.160 --> 30:38.160
And no one disputes that the districts are equally apportioned.

30:38.160 --> 30:40.160
They can cast an equally weighted vote.

30:40.160 --> 30:44.160
So it does not matter the extent of a partisan gerrymandering.

30:44.160 --> 30:51.160
It does not matter the extent of the harm that is caused by a disfavored group.

30:51.160 --> 30:55.160
It sounds to me like you're saying an extreme gerrymandering.

30:55.160 --> 30:59.160
An extreme partisan gerrymandering is constitutional.

30:59.160 --> 31:01.160
Your Honor, understanding that is your argument?

31:01.160 --> 31:06.160
Your Honor, I am not sure at this point in time how to define an extreme partisan gerrymander

31:06.160 --> 31:11.160
versus a sort of partisan gerrymander versus we wanted to send Speaker Ryan back to Congress.

31:11.160 --> 31:17.160
Would you say five percent, double digits, ten percent, fifteen percent?

31:17.160 --> 31:22.160
I think we certainly have districts across the state that hit those numbers.

31:22.160 --> 31:23.160
We do, Your Honor.

31:23.160 --> 31:27.160
And I can't tell you that District two, for example,

31:27.160 --> 31:31.160
here where we stand today is an extreme partisan gerrymander.

31:31.160 --> 31:35.160
The representative there won by 70 to 30 percent vote in 2024.

31:35.160 --> 31:43.160
There's every reason to think he did so because Republicans, or because Democrats are densely populated in the Madison area.

31:43.160 --> 31:45.160
Right, there could become happiness for sure.

31:45.160 --> 31:49.160
But you look at some of the other districts and the way they're drawn.

31:49.160 --> 31:55.160
What I'm almost hearing you say is that there's not a constitutional claim for extreme partisan gerrymandering

31:55.160 --> 31:57.160
under the Wisconsin Constitution.

31:57.160 --> 32:01.160
If that's what it boils down to, tell us.

32:01.160 --> 32:07.160
Your Honor, right now the Wisconsin Constitution does not define with any level of judicial certainty

32:07.160 --> 32:10.160
what an extreme partisan gerrymander would be.

32:10.160 --> 32:15.160
And in states that have been displeased with that constitutional reality,

32:15.160 --> 32:20.160
that they have amended their constitutions with clear rules that courts can apply.

32:20.160 --> 32:28.160
The Utah case, the New York case, the Florida case that plaintiffs have brought to you all involve either

32:28.160 --> 32:35.160
reticulated statutes or constitutional amendments saying we, we extirpate politics from redistricting.

32:35.160 --> 32:45.160
Oh, Council, Council, your opposing council has urged us to adopt New Mexico and Pennsylvania's cases.

32:45.160 --> 32:50.160
Anna, it took the opportunity on break to take a look at their constitutional provisions.

32:50.160 --> 32:56.160
You mentioned earlier that Wisconsin does not have a free and equal elections clause.

32:56.160 --> 33:04.160
But the courts in those cases did point to and reference, and the New Mexico and Pennsylvania constitutions

33:04.160 --> 33:09.160
do specifically have free and equal elections clause.

33:09.160 --> 33:14.160
Do you think that has any impact on whether we should follow Pennsylvania and New Mexico?

33:14.160 --> 33:20.160
I do, and I think, I can't remember if it's the Pennsylvania decision or the first North Carolina decision

33:20.160 --> 33:22.160
that explores the history of that clause.

33:22.160 --> 33:23.160
It's extremely interesting.

33:23.160 --> 33:25.160
They're in other state constitutions.

33:25.160 --> 33:29.160
They are very specific to elections and your ability to go cast a vote.

33:29.160 --> 33:36.160
And so there was far more history in those cases to connect that constitutional text admittedly broad

33:36.160 --> 33:39.160
with a right to have fairer districts.

33:39.160 --> 33:43.160
However, one expert might describe define fairer districts.

33:43.160 --> 33:47.160
Here, the history points in entirely the opposite direction.

33:47.160 --> 33:49.160
There's precious little of it in the briefs here.

33:49.160 --> 33:52.160
There were more than 100 pages about it in Johnson.

33:52.160 --> 33:57.160
And the history boils down to this state's constitutional convention in 1848.

33:57.160 --> 33:59.160
There was a lot of talk about gerrymandering.

33:59.160 --> 34:05.160
And there was a lot of discussion about whether the way Wisconsin's first congressional districts had been drawn

34:05.160 --> 34:09.160
was fair to have a very compact district in the southeast of the state

34:09.160 --> 34:13.160
and the sprawling district capturing 20 counties and the rest of the state.

34:13.160 --> 34:17.160
And the solution to that then answers the question before this court now.

34:17.160 --> 34:22.160
The solution was the people voted through their delegates at the convention

34:22.160 --> 34:24.160
and then through ratifying the Constitution.

34:24.160 --> 34:31.160
And that's been the unchanged history for over 100 years in this state until 2011

34:31.160 --> 34:34.160
when parties started bringing partisan gerrymandering claims.

34:34.160 --> 34:42.160
Council, I wanted to just follow up with the Chief Justice's question about the 2011 maps.

34:42.160 --> 34:56.160
My recollection of the history here is that I think Democrats controlled the legislature entirely from 2006 to 2010.

34:56.160 --> 34:58.160
There was a Democratic governor at that time.

34:58.160 --> 35:04.160
Then in the 2010 elections Republicans won the governorship in both houses of the legislature

35:04.160 --> 35:08.160
and using maps that were in place at that time.

35:08.160 --> 35:18.160
And then it was that legislature which actually enacted the law that we are dealing with here at 44 in 2011.

35:18.160 --> 35:24.160
And so it was not the quote rigged maps or any later maps that were enacted,

35:24.160 --> 35:28.160
for example, after our Johnson decision that are at issue here.

35:28.160 --> 35:33.160
But that was in fact a series, a legislature that was chosen with maps that clearly were quite competitive

35:33.160 --> 35:36.160
and led to both Republicans and Democrats controlling both chambers.

35:36.160 --> 35:37.160
Is that accurate?

35:37.160 --> 35:39.160
Yeah, the points well taken, your honor.

35:39.160 --> 35:44.160
And the finish, the point I would say those, the maps that others have called rigged,

35:44.160 --> 35:49.160
I won't endorse that language today, have since also been replaced through the democratic process

35:49.160 --> 35:52.160
where the legislature passed maps and the Democratic governor signed them.

35:52.160 --> 35:56.160
But yes, for purposes of the congressional districts which we're here to talk about today,

35:56.160 --> 35:59.160
the Congress members didn't enact that map.

35:59.160 --> 36:04.160
The people's representatives in the small districts that make up the state legislature did.

36:04.160 --> 36:08.160
And that's exactly what the Constitution has envisioned would happen until 1787.

36:08.160 --> 36:12.160
And so to bring us back to what was going on in Johnson.

36:12.160 --> 36:16.160
In Johnson, the court was not enacting a new map.

36:16.160 --> 36:19.160
The court was doing what it always does, Justice Taylor.

36:19.160 --> 36:25.160
It was remedying a constitutional wrong of malapportionment and going no further.

36:25.160 --> 36:27.160
And it must.

36:27.160 --> 36:32.160
It was a standard that has no, it's not embedded in Wisconsin law.

36:32.160 --> 36:33.160
Your honor.

36:33.160 --> 36:38.160
It comes from a federal case, which comes from an interpretation of voting rights act.

36:38.160 --> 36:44.160
There's just no, I wasn't here when it was done, but it seems disconnected.

36:44.160 --> 36:48.160
Your honor, if the standard your honor is referring to is the least changes standard.

36:48.160 --> 36:53.160
That's the approach the U.S. Supreme Court has taken to redistricting cases always.

36:53.160 --> 36:56.160
And for purposes of this congressional redistricting case,

36:56.160 --> 37:01.160
certainly that standard is allowable under the elections clause,

37:01.160 --> 37:05.160
lest this court rest from the legislature, it's the legislature.

37:05.160 --> 37:07.160
What was supposed to change the least?

37:07.160 --> 37:08.160
Pardon?

37:08.160 --> 37:13.160
What was supposed to change the least and least change?

37:13.160 --> 37:18.160
Well, for a malapportionment case, I think the way the opinion shook out in Johnson II

37:18.160 --> 37:20.160
for the congressional districts makes perfect sense.

37:20.160 --> 37:22.160
We looked at core retention scores.

37:22.160 --> 37:27.160
We moved the fewest number of people to repopulate with people the districts.

37:27.160 --> 37:30.160
Of course, other parties in Johnson had differing arguments,

37:30.160 --> 37:36.160
but your honor, back to the first question, whether or not your honor thought that was

37:36.160 --> 37:42.160
unworkable to use core retention, a metric that legislators use all the time,

37:42.160 --> 37:46.160
isn't the same as the argument plaintiffs have brought this court,

37:46.160 --> 37:51.160
which is they are asking this court to hold it's not just unworkable.

37:51.160 --> 37:58.160
It's unconstitutional to defer to the legislature when remedying a malapportionment claim.

37:58.160 --> 38:04.160
And I can think of a rule no better suited for an elections clause problem than to say,

38:04.160 --> 38:09.160
in a malapportionment case, it's the courts and not the legislature that must decide

38:09.160 --> 38:11.160
what the political balance should be in districts.

38:11.160 --> 38:18.160
That is really, I think, disingenuous reading of more.

38:18.160 --> 38:21.160
That's not what Moore said.

38:21.160 --> 38:31.160
Moore said that certainly state courts can utilize traditional principles of judicial review

38:31.160 --> 38:35.160
in reviewing the actions of their legislature.

38:35.160 --> 38:41.160
What we're not supposed to do is go outside the bounds of judicial review.

38:41.160 --> 38:44.160
We do not make policy here.

38:44.160 --> 38:47.160
We don't consider that.

38:47.160 --> 38:52.160
We consider the Constitution and the text of our Constitution,

38:52.160 --> 38:54.160
and whether there's a constitutional harm.

38:54.160 --> 38:59.160
And that was very clearly stated in Moore.

38:59.160 --> 39:10.160
In Rucho itself, the majority looks to state courts to address some of these issues of gerrymandered districts.

39:10.160 --> 39:21.160
So there's nothing unusual or strange about this court examining whether an act of the legislature causes a constitutional harm.

39:21.160 --> 39:23.160
It's what we do every day.

39:23.160 --> 39:25.160
It's our function.

39:25.160 --> 39:37.160
Well, the elections clause point I was reading was about how it would be highly unusual to hold that this court is prohibited from using the last enacted maps as a starting point.

39:37.160 --> 39:41.160
From using a lease changes approach, because that's what the Supreme Court did in white.

39:41.160 --> 39:48.160
It's what the Minnesota Supreme Court did in hip hurt in the Oklahoma case, in the South Carolina case, in the New Hampshire case, I'm sure there are more.

39:48.160 --> 39:55.160
And so that remedial approach would be highly unusual, because the court isn't enacting a new map.

39:55.160 --> 39:59.160
It's remedying mal apportionment in a lease changes way.

39:59.160 --> 40:03.160
Surely that's allowable under the elections clause.

40:03.160 --> 40:17.160
Now separate and apart from that, as for the partisan gerrymandering claim, no court has ever held to a final judgment that the map is a partisan gerrymandered or that partisan gerrymandering is a cognizable claim

40:17.160 --> 40:19.160
under the Wisconsin Constitution.

40:19.160 --> 40:28.160
And so I do think it puts the cart before the horse to say plaintiffs have presented a constitutional harm, partisan gerrymandering, don't we have to remedy it?

40:28.160 --> 40:38.160
First, we have to ask, have plaintiffs done the hard work to present this court with new text and new history and new reasons not already rejected in Johnson 1?

40:38.160 --> 40:41.160
Okay, I want to take you back to this already rejected in Johnson 1.

40:41.160 --> 40:46.160
Johnson 1 did not have the claim of extreme partisan gerrymandering in front of us.

40:46.160 --> 40:51.160
What was in front of us was a map, creating a map.

40:51.160 --> 40:56.160
And the question that was asked is should this court, in doing so, consider partisanship?

40:56.160 --> 40:58.160
That is a very different question.

40:59.160 --> 41:08.160
Partisanship, no one here is saying or thinking that partisanship doesn't come into play when the legislature makes maps.

41:08.160 --> 41:09.160
Of course it does.

41:09.160 --> 41:19.160
We're talking about a claim that it has gone so far that extreme partisanship has gone so far so as to dilute the vote.

41:19.160 --> 41:26.160
And that claim can be, they're making the claim of that that can be found in our Constitution.

41:26.160 --> 41:32.160
Those important rights to democracy and the democracy principle that's set forth in their brief.

41:32.160 --> 41:38.160
So when you sit here and say, we already decided in Johnson 1, I was there and we didn't decide it.

41:38.160 --> 41:45.160
And they may have been in an opinion that the majority wrote and oftentimes things are in our opinions that aren't squarely in front of the court.

41:46.160 --> 41:48.160
We give that what we give it.

41:48.160 --> 41:51.160
But it was not an issue that has ever been brought to our court.

41:51.160 --> 41:56.160
Aside from, as was pointed out, we did not take a vehicle of an original action petition.

41:56.160 --> 42:04.160
This case was filed in the circuit court just like every other case starts out in the circuit court and usually in our district.

42:04.160 --> 42:13.160
So I want to push back on that and it seems like you're giving an awful lot of reliance on a couple of statements,

42:13.160 --> 42:17.160
a couple of paragraphs about an issue that was not squarely in front of the court.

42:17.160 --> 42:18.160
Yes, Your Honor.

42:18.160 --> 42:22.160
So to take one of your last points first and then to address the heart of what was an issue at Johnson 1,

42:22.160 --> 42:28.160
the fact that this case started in circuit court, I actually think irrespective of a debate on partisan fairness,

42:28.160 --> 42:34.160
is the easiest grounds to say, while we might reconsider it or while we might consider it in another case,

42:34.160 --> 42:41.160
we can't consider it in this case because this injunction exists by virtue of an exercise of our original jurisdiction.

42:41.160 --> 42:46.160
And now a circuit court has been asked to put that injunction on trial.

42:46.160 --> 42:49.160
And that turns upside down the judicial.

42:49.160 --> 42:55.160
Aren't they being asked to issue a declaratory judgment and don't courts issue declaratory judgments all the time?

42:55.160 --> 42:57.160
Well, initially, no, Your Honor.

42:57.160 --> 42:58.160
The complaint is very clear.

42:58.160 --> 43:01.160
They wanted the circuit court to enjoin this court's injunction.

43:01.160 --> 43:07.160
And it's up to this court to decide whether it wishes that to continue not just in this case, but in all future cases.

43:07.160 --> 43:12.160
As for the declaratory judgment, the same fundamental problem still persists.

43:12.160 --> 43:16.160
Like academically, that sure sounds like an advisory proceeding.

43:16.160 --> 43:22.160
Because there's nothing that the court could do alongside the declaratory judgment to enjoin this court's injunction.

43:22.160 --> 43:23.160
But second.

43:23.160 --> 43:30.160
I know I want to make a second point, but it sort of feels like what you would have your friends on the other side do is just

43:30.160 --> 43:34.160
chase their tails around indefinitely.

43:34.160 --> 43:40.160
I mean, they have come at this several different ways to be fair.

43:40.160 --> 43:44.160
They have asked for, let's see, reconsideration.

43:44.160 --> 43:48.160
They filed a motion for relief from the judgment.

43:48.160 --> 43:51.160
They filed an original action.

43:51.160 --> 43:55.160
And then they filed the complaint in circuit court.

43:55.160 --> 43:59.160
I may have left out something actually.

44:00.160 --> 44:04.160
I feel like it wouldn't matter which way they came at this.

44:04.160 --> 44:06.160
You would say, no, that's not good enough.

44:06.160 --> 44:07.160
And they have tried.

44:07.160 --> 44:10.160
They have come at it at least three or four different ways.

44:10.160 --> 44:12.160
Your Honor, I disagree.

44:12.160 --> 44:18.160
I think they came at it with a motion for reconsideration or a motion for relief from judgment.

44:18.160 --> 44:24.160
And I don't think there's any dispute that that's actually the most typical way for this court to address.

44:24.160 --> 44:28.160
It's pending or its final injunctions was to reopen Johnson itself.

44:28.160 --> 44:35.160
Then they came at it just like the Clark petitioners and asked this court to revisit its original jurisdiction

44:35.160 --> 44:38.160
injunction with another original jurisdiction action.

44:38.160 --> 44:45.160
And that this court denied those requests doesn't mean that then we can invert the hierarchy of the judicial branch

44:45.160 --> 44:51.160
in this state and allow a circuit court to put your injunction on trial.

44:51.160 --> 44:53.160
But it goes back to justice.

44:53.160 --> 44:55.160
I'm not seeing it.

44:55.160 --> 44:57.160
It's a declaratory judgment.

44:57.160 --> 44:58.160
Well, sure.

44:58.160 --> 45:04.160
They would be declaring that this court acted unconstitutionally in 2022 in Johnson 2.

45:04.160 --> 45:11.160
I can find no authority and plaintiffs have pointed to no authority of any court, any circuit court in this state

45:11.160 --> 45:13.160
having ever done so.

45:13.160 --> 45:20.160
How about a trial court that declares something our court did was unconstitutional in the criminal setting?

45:20.160 --> 45:29.160
What if a trial court said what if there was a violation of the constitution and we said it didn't occur and it goes back

45:29.160 --> 45:35.160
and we later learned that the council was ineffective and all of a sudden there's an issue in front of the court.

45:35.160 --> 45:44.160
I mean, there's a myriad of ways in which cases that we have found to be constitutional or that we have ruled on

45:44.160 --> 45:48.160
then are potentially later found otherwise.

45:48.160 --> 45:54.160
I mean, what you're basically saying is that once we decide something, no one else can ever review it, including us.

45:54.160 --> 45:55.160
No, you're honored.

45:55.160 --> 45:56.160
This court can.

45:56.160 --> 46:02.160
And while I don't want to devolve into a discussion of habeas, what a habeas case is asking is actually for a separate writ.

46:02.160 --> 46:04.160
I'm not even talking habeas.

46:04.160 --> 46:07.160
I'm just talking about ineffective assistance of council in our state.

46:07.160 --> 46:13.160
I think I could probably find cases where that's happened, where this court has said that something was constitutional

46:13.160 --> 46:15.160
and it later turns out that actually it wasn't.

46:15.160 --> 46:16.160
Right.

46:16.160 --> 46:23.160
There's a well trodden collateral attack often called writs of habeas corpus on final criminal judgments, but that's not undoing the criminal judgment.

46:23.160 --> 46:27.160
It's granting a writ of habeas corpus for purposes of this case, your honor.

46:27.160 --> 46:35.160
Of course, this court could exercise its original jurisdiction again if it wanted to just as it did in Clark.

46:35.160 --> 46:40.160
So long as that original action was pursuant to the usual norms of judicial procedure.

46:40.160 --> 46:43.160
So, council, let me just pick up on that point.

46:43.160 --> 46:54.160
Because if we were to find that there's a justiciable claim here and to remand it to the three judge panel to take evidence

46:54.160 --> 47:03.160
and determine whether the illegal standard for that claim is met and to find a constitutional violation,

47:04.160 --> 47:20.160
I'm just not following you in determining why it is that this three judge panel does not have jurisdiction or the authority to hold such a trial and draw such a conclusion

47:20.160 --> 47:30.160
on the evidence based on something that was said in Johnson 2 in which such a claim was not squarely in front of the court.

47:30.160 --> 47:32.160
Can you answer that please?

47:32.160 --> 47:33.160
Yes, your honor.

47:33.160 --> 47:44.160
So, first, on the most fundamental procedural point, I'm not aware of a circuit court putting on trial a final injunction of this court in another case, right?

47:44.160 --> 47:46.160
The circuit court would have to read that.

47:46.160 --> 47:48.160
It's not putting an injunction on trial.

47:48.160 --> 47:57.160
It is looking at the maps that are currently in place and making a determination about whether there's a partisan gerrymander in those maps.

47:57.160 --> 48:04.160
The issue that this court did not consider because it had no evidence at that point of partisan gerrymandering.

48:04.160 --> 48:18.160
Why are you saying that the Wisconsin law or the Wisconsin Constitution would prohibit an examination of that issue now for maps that are going to be used for future elections?

48:19.160 --> 48:23.160
The maps, just to be very clear, are and they exist by virtue of it.

48:23.160 --> 48:24.160
They were adopted by this court.

48:24.160 --> 48:25.160
I understand that.

48:25.160 --> 48:34.160
They were adopted by this court without consideration for whether the maps were created with the partisan gerrymandering.

48:34.160 --> 48:35.160
Sure.

48:35.160 --> 48:39.160
So, to answer that question directly, and Justice Dowd, I apologize the heart of your question directly.

48:39.160 --> 48:41.160
I, too, was here in Johnson.

48:41.160 --> 48:49.160
And the parties were asked because some parties had raised whether the Wisconsin Constitution requires districts to be politically fair.

48:49.160 --> 48:54.160
And the parties submitted, as I mentioned, over 100 pages of briefing on that question.

48:54.160 --> 49:07.160
And there are more than three dozen paragraphs of legal analysis in the Johnson 1 opinion about why we cannot find anywhere in the Wisconsin Constitution a right to political fairness.

49:07.160 --> 49:17.160
And all the questions that such a right should it proceed in court cases would raise as opposed to should it proceed in the halls of Congress with anti-partisan gerrymandering legislation.

49:17.160 --> 49:27.160
And you don't see any sunlight between a right to political fairness and a claim that something is so unfair, it is violative of our Constitution.

49:27.160 --> 49:35.160
Political fairness sounds to me like, you know what, if you've got a Republican in charge, they might draw the maps more, a little more Republican, a Democrat, the same thing.

49:35.160 --> 49:43.160
That is not, how can that possibly be the same thing as this is so unfair, it rises to a level of a constitutional harm.

49:43.160 --> 49:48.160
Which is extreme partisan gerrymandering, which is what we're being asked about, not political fairness.

49:48.160 --> 49:53.160
Well, your honor, again, having litigated these cases, the difference between the two is not clear.

49:53.160 --> 49:58.160
And that is why you see states like Florida saying, we're just not considering it at all.

49:58.160 --> 50:02.160
It's either considered, there's either politics in the map or there's not.

50:02.160 --> 50:11.160
But there's no way to assess in a judicially manageable way, whether there's just enough politics but not too much.

50:11.160 --> 50:19.160
Because what that means is in the eye of the beholder absent some constitutional direction that this is too much and this is just enough.

50:19.160 --> 50:22.160
It feels like what you're asking us to do is to stick our hat in the sand.

50:22.160 --> 50:24.160
I'm not your honor.

50:24.160 --> 50:26.160
It feels that way.

50:26.160 --> 50:31.160
I am not your honor, but I want to be emphatic about this.

50:31.160 --> 50:33.160
This is the adversarial system.

50:33.160 --> 50:40.160
And plaintiffs have to come to this court with arguments in history, just as you remarked in your concurrence in the MMC case,

50:40.160 --> 50:51.160
that maybe there's some history yet to be discovered out there that shows there's a right to partisan gerrymandering or shows there's this right living in Wisconsin's equal protection clause.

50:51.160 --> 50:53.160
But it's not there in these briefs.

50:53.160 --> 50:59.160
And as much as it pains me to say it, I would urge the court to compare these briefs to the briefs and clerk.

50:59.160 --> 51:08.160
And the arguments that led this court and clerk that were historically rooted, they grappled with old precedents that weren't about mortgages or farmland,

51:08.160 --> 51:11.160
but about districts themselves and what contiguity meant.

51:11.160 --> 51:14.160
It helped that the words contiguity were there.

51:14.160 --> 51:17.160
Well, your honor, I'm never going to get it.

51:17.160 --> 51:25.160
I can't concede that my contiguity argument is not one I still think about every day and I do think it's kind of...

51:25.160 --> 51:28.160
But boy, was that a well-fought fight, your honor.

51:28.160 --> 51:29.160
And it was there.

51:29.160 --> 51:30.160
It was there.

51:30.160 --> 51:33.160
And that is an express requirement in the Constitution.

51:33.160 --> 51:37.160
But the Constitution isn't about...

51:37.160 --> 51:41.160
Constitution isn't about express requirements, right?

51:41.160 --> 51:43.160
The Constitution is written broadly.

51:43.160 --> 51:49.160
You're talking about a document that came right after that in 1848, right?

51:49.160 --> 51:54.160
And it set broad principles that Justice Taylor has been talking about.

51:54.160 --> 51:59.160
So it's not... we don't look for every single...

51:59.160 --> 52:01.160
It's not... this isn't connecting the dots.

52:01.160 --> 52:04.160
Like, can we find the word here and then it means something...

52:04.160 --> 52:07.160
And if we don't find the exact word here, the principle must not exist.

52:07.160 --> 52:11.160
And I think the legal scholars lay this out really well in their amicus brief.

52:11.160 --> 52:15.160
I think Justice Penny laid it out really well in his concurrence in Cunningham,

52:15.160 --> 52:18.160
which is that there are broad principles throughout the Wisconsin Constitution,

52:18.160 --> 52:23.160
and not all of those principles allows this court to subject legislative action to strict scrutiny.

52:23.160 --> 52:29.160
In the McGrail case about the ballots, the legislative action was okay because it was reasonable,

52:29.160 --> 52:31.160
even though it affected the right to vote.

52:31.160 --> 52:37.160
And if we go back to 1848, the messy work of what the district should look like

52:37.160 --> 52:42.160
was done by the political branches and the delegates and then later the people's representatives.

52:42.160 --> 52:48.160
And so there's just no similar history that was as was at issue in Clark

52:48.160 --> 52:53.160
to allow this court to invite this court to step into that political thicket now.

52:53.160 --> 52:58.160
I mean, deciding what is fair, whether it's extremely unfair,

52:58.160 --> 53:03.160
or fair has plagued the federal courts for so long until we get to Rucho,

53:03.160 --> 53:07.160
and it's likewise plagued the state courts absent some bright line rule.

53:07.160 --> 53:08.160
Doesn't that show us something?

53:08.160 --> 53:16.160
The fact that these issues have been raised repeatedly and that courts have struggled with them repeatedly,

53:16.160 --> 53:20.160
doesn't that in some sense show that there is a problem?

53:20.160 --> 53:27.160
There is a problem that is infecting our political landscape, not just in Wisconsin,

53:27.160 --> 53:29.160
but probably across the country.

53:29.160 --> 53:32.160
Voters struggle with that.

53:32.160 --> 53:37.160
You could pick just about anybody off the street in Wisconsin and ask them,

53:37.160 --> 53:45.160
do you think legislators should be able to draw a map in a way that locks in a particular political party,

53:45.160 --> 53:47.160
they would say no.

53:47.160 --> 53:50.160
Doesn't it show us that there is some underlying problem there?

53:50.160 --> 53:53.160
The fact that courts have struggled with this for decades now?

53:53.160 --> 53:55.160
I think two things are true at once.

53:55.160 --> 54:01.160
Some voters could think there is a problem and that courts have struggled with it so much,

54:01.160 --> 54:04.160
means that it's not the court's problem to solve.

54:04.160 --> 54:08.160
And instead it's been Congress's problem to solve, for example, in the 1840s,

54:08.160 --> 54:14.160
when Congress required single member congressional districts as a bulwark to gerrymandering,

54:14.160 --> 54:18.160
it's a problem for voters to solve with fair districts amendments,

54:18.160 --> 54:22.160
it's a problem for Congress potentially to solve now later on.

54:22.160 --> 54:29.160
Congress is constantly asked, by the way, to pass legislation to eliminate partisan gerrymandering.

54:29.160 --> 54:30.160
Congress passed.

54:30.160 --> 54:34.160
And it's a hard thing to accomplish when you have a gerrymandered body.

54:34.160 --> 54:36.160
But let me just turn to another point.

54:36.160 --> 54:41.160
I want to return to a point you made a few minutes ago about distinguishing our case

54:41.160 --> 54:47.160
from other courts that have found a justiciable claim for partisan gerrymandering,

54:47.160 --> 54:49.160
such as New Mexico.

54:49.160 --> 54:53.160
And it seemed to me you were leaning pretty heavily into the fact that

54:53.160 --> 54:58.160
the New Mexico Constitution, just as one example, has an explicit clause

54:58.160 --> 55:01.160
protecting free and equal elections.

55:01.160 --> 55:05.160
No, I think the New Mexico case rests on their equal protection clause

55:05.160 --> 55:06.160
and their history.

55:06.160 --> 55:09.160
It was a different state that you were in Pennsylvania and in North Carolina.

55:09.160 --> 55:10.160
Okay, thank you.

55:10.160 --> 55:11.160
In any event.

55:11.160 --> 55:17.160
The point I wanted to raise is, is it your belief that because the Wisconsin Constitution

55:17.160 --> 55:22.160
lacks an explicit clause protecting fair and equal elections,

55:22.160 --> 55:29.160
that therefore the Wisconsin Constitution has no protection for fair and equal elections?

55:29.160 --> 55:31.160
No, Your Honor, that's not our position.

55:31.160 --> 55:38.160
Because clearly, constitutions are generally composed of broad principles

55:38.160 --> 55:48.160
and this Constitution in Wisconsin is replete with phrases that point to the importance of popular sovereignty,

55:48.160 --> 55:50.160
the consent of the governed.

55:50.160 --> 55:51.160
Correct?

55:51.160 --> 55:52.160
Correct.

55:52.160 --> 55:58.160
So how is that different in substance than another state constitution

55:58.160 --> 56:02.160
that includes a clause such as fair and equal elections?

56:02.160 --> 56:13.160
Aren't those protections inherent in the clauses that protect popular sovereignty in Wisconsin?

56:13.160 --> 56:18.160
Well, as I mentioned before, there is a unique history to a free and equal elections clause

56:18.160 --> 56:22.160
and what those were, the evils that were perpetuated before America,

56:22.160 --> 56:27.160
that those were meant to guard against, specific to voting in elections.

56:27.160 --> 56:32.160
But in Wisconsin, just as everywhere else for these federal congressional districts,

56:32.160 --> 56:36.160
there is an absolute equality requirement at this point.

56:36.160 --> 56:42.160
You know, this court was asked to entertain an original action last year because the congressional districts

56:42.160 --> 56:44.160
deviated by one additional person.

56:44.160 --> 56:53.160
And as this court said in Cunningham, that promise of equality of an equally weighted vote,

56:54.160 --> 56:57.160
that is how people effectuate their right to vote.

56:57.160 --> 56:59.160
That is how votes are not diluted.

56:59.160 --> 57:02.160
And of course, Wisconsin protects that.

57:02.160 --> 57:07.160
And also, through our separation of powers, Wisconsin protects the right to vote.

57:07.160 --> 57:12.160
The founders assigned congressional redistricting power to the legislature

57:12.160 --> 57:15.160
and keeping with the people's representatives who are closest to them,

57:15.160 --> 57:21.160
the legislature now in these territorial districts can carry out the will of the people.

57:22.160 --> 57:26.160
Now, as for court struggling with this, Justice Crawford,

57:26.160 --> 57:30.160
I think it's very telling that even coming here today, council

57:30.160 --> 57:33.160
equivocated about what their test would be.

57:33.160 --> 57:36.160
And if council can't identify what their test would be,

57:36.160 --> 57:40.160
to me that's proof positive that there is no judicially manageable standard

57:40.160 --> 57:42.160
hiding in a Wisconsin constitution.

57:42.160 --> 57:43.160
I would agree with you.

57:43.160 --> 57:48.160
It's frustrating that they have articulated a test and I certainly wish they would have.

57:48.160 --> 57:53.160
That being said, let's talk about workability going forward in the event

57:53.160 --> 57:58.160
that we find both of the claims, both the partisan and anti-competitive

57:58.160 --> 58:01.160
gerrymandering cognizable.

58:01.160 --> 58:06.160
What are your thoughts about consolidating the gerrymandering claims

58:06.160 --> 58:10.160
and having just one trial?

58:10.160 --> 58:15.160
Again, it's inconceivable to me that there could be a trial in this posture,

58:15.160 --> 58:19.160
but to take your question, assuming all of that, of course,

58:19.160 --> 58:21.160
I think the cases would need to be consolidated.

58:21.160 --> 58:25.160
I've participated, other councils can participate in, for example,

58:25.160 --> 58:27.160
the Alabama congressional redistricting case.

58:27.160 --> 58:32.160
Those were consolidated at the trial court for purposes of trial proceedings.

58:32.160 --> 58:36.160
And again, I can't really conceive of how you have a new injunction

58:36.160 --> 58:40.160
in joining this courts injunction, but of course you only want to do that one time

58:40.160 --> 58:44.160
versus two times, and so they should proceed together.

58:44.160 --> 58:47.160
But I don't want to lose sight of my latch as point two.

58:47.160 --> 58:51.160
We're talking about a lot of procedure, a lot of costs,

58:51.160 --> 58:55.160
and we are well over halfway into the decennial,

58:55.160 --> 59:00.160
and as federal courts and other courts have held, or the Illinois Supreme Court just held,

59:00.160 --> 59:04.160
sometimes plaintiffs are just too late because congressional districts,

59:04.160 --> 59:06.160
the census is about to come.

59:06.160 --> 59:10.160
And the prejudice here, well, let me start with it.

59:10.160 --> 59:13.160
The delay, I think, is clear from Brennan.

59:13.160 --> 59:17.160
The plaintiffs waited arguably 15 years to challenge Act 44

59:17.160 --> 59:18.160
as unconstitutional.

59:18.160 --> 59:21.160
They waited four and a half years since the, or they waited three years

59:21.160 --> 59:23.160
since the congressional districts were settled.

59:23.160 --> 59:25.160
But I do want to point to the prejudice point,

59:25.160 --> 59:28.160
or I do want to discuss the prejudice point, Justice Protece,

59:28.160 --> 59:30.160
because it goes to the trial and everything.

59:30.160 --> 59:32.160
Will that be costly? Absolutely.

59:32.160 --> 59:36.160
But what's also costly and what's recognized in these cases we've cited

59:36.160 --> 59:40.160
on our latch's argument is the ensuing cost to the state,

59:40.160 --> 59:42.160
to the counties, and to voters.

59:42.160 --> 59:47.160
Should this court agree that the congressional districts need to change again?

59:47.160 --> 59:51.160
Maybe it's before the 2028 elections or the 2030 elections.

59:51.160 --> 59:54.160
And then, of course, the congressional districts will change again in 2032.

59:54.160 --> 59:58.160
Can't the congressional maps change anytime?

59:58.160 --> 01:00:00.160
How can your latches argue in a process?

